― 7 ―

Introduction.

This paper and the accompanying maps have been prepared from notes made chiefly during 1903, but in part during 1904 and 1906, as part of the work of the Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of California, conducted by the Department of Anthropology of the University of California through the munificence of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst.

The chief purpose of the present investigation has been to establish the aboriginal territorial boundaries of the Pomo linguistic stock, and to determine the number of dialects of this stock, their relationships one to another, the exact limits of the area in which each was spoken, and the locations of the various ancient and modern villages and camp sites. Also, as environment is a very potent factor in the life of every primitive people, the topography and natural resources of the region have been examined in order to have a knowledge of the surroundings of the people under consideration before passing to a study of the various phases of their culture. The territories of the Yuki and Athapascan stocks on the north and of the Northerly Wintun on the northeast of the Pomo territory have been investigated and their limits and subdivisions determined only in so far as their inhabitants were in some direct relation with the Pomo. The fullest information possible has, however, been obtained concerning all the territory lying between the Pomo area and San Francisco Bay, as also concerning the Southerly Wintun territory.

In order to accomplish this investigation, much traveling and field work have been necessary, as the Pomo now living, as well

― 8 ―

as the Indians of other stocks adjacent to them, are gathered into a number of villages ranging in population from a few individuals to about one hundred, and separated from one another in many cases by considerable distances which must be traveled by stage or other conveyance through the mountains. All but one of these villages were visited at least once, and as many as possible of the Indians questioned concerning the sites of their former villages and camps and the boundaries of the territory held by the people speaking their respective dialects. In this manner the boundaries between dialects and linguistic stocks were ascertained from the people on both sides of them, and in many cases these were corroborated by neighboring people of other dialects or stocks. Thus the limits of each stock and its dialects were definitely established in most places. It has, however, been impossible to obtain full information concerning certain boundaries, especially of territories not actually inhabited; and in such cases a probable boundary has been indicated on the maps and in the text. In most cases it has been possible to locate with reasonable exactness the sites of old villages and camps, and the cases in which such locations are doubtful have been noted in the text.

In order to determine definitely the various dialects of the several linguistic families into which the people dealt with in the present paper are divided, vocabularies were taken from as many individuals as possible, thus giving material from many sources for the determination of lexical and phonetic relationships.

In giving the locations of the various village and camp sites, as also of the stock and dialect boundaries, the Indians refer not only to the present white towns but also to a very great extent to water courses, mountains, and various other natural features of the country, and it has therefore been necessary to prepare maps which should be as correct as possible as bases upon which to indicate these locations. This, however, has been a very difficult matter, as the existing maps of this region vary greatly from one another in such details. The accompanying maps are the results of comparisons of the existing maps of this region, and will be found to differ from some of them in minor points, for in addition to comparing the various state and county maps available

― 9 ―

it has been possible to add a few minor details from actual observations in the field.

Information concerning the locations of former village sites has in almost every case been obtained from more than one informant. No attempt has been made to visit all of these locations, for in the majority of cases there would be nothing to indicate the site, especially if it had been abandoned for a considerable length of time. The only landmarks left by an old village, the dance-house and sweat-house pits, become filled in the course of comparatively few years; and as the Indians, at least of the Pomo stock, of this region formerly practiced cremation, burning not only the dead but also all their property, the evidences of former habitation are soon lost. All statements, therefore, concerning the locations of former villages, as well as regarding inter-stock and inter-dialectic boundaries, are made upon the authority of Indian informants, and are not based on direct observations of the writer unless so stated or obviously the case.

The statements as to the numbers of buildings and inhabitants at the various present villages are based on enumerations made chiefly during 1903, and, while these are numbers which are never constant for any length of time, they are practically correct for the present date.

Thanks are due to Professor A. L. Kroeber, who has supervised the work and has supplied information concerning the various Yuki dialects, and to Professor P. E. Goddard, who has furnished information concerning the Athapascans. Thanks are also due to Professor W. E. Ritter for the identification of shells used by the Indians, to Professor W. L. Jepson for information on the botany of this area, and to Professor W. C. Morgan for information concerning the chemical purity of the Stony Creek salt.

― 10 ―

General Description.

Geographical Position.

The territory included in the present investigation and shown on the accompanying maps lies immediately north of San Francisco Bay and covers Marin, Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Yolo, and Lake, together with the greater portions of Mendocino, Glenn, and Colusa counties, California. It extends about one hundred and thirty miles north and south, and about one hundred miles east and west. It reaches from the shore-line of the ocean to the Sacramento river, thus lying chiefly within what is known to geographers as the Coast Range mountains. This portion of the Coast Range, however, consists of two fairly distinct ranges of mountains. One of these, which has neither a name given to it by geographers nor one in common local use, may be here designated as the outer range of the Coast Range, and extends along the immediate shore-line of the ocean. This range is comparatively low, and varies from eight to twenty miles in width. The other, which may be designated as the inner or main range of the Coast Range, lies along the western border of the Sacramento valley, and varies from twenty to sixty miles in width. Between and through these mountains, within the territory described, flow many rivers and smaller streams, such as Russian river and the headwaters of Eel river, also Stony, Cache, Putah, and other large creeks which drain into the Sacramento river, and the numerous rivers and creeks flowing directly into the ocean. These streams water many fertile, sheltered valleys, each of which formerly contained one or more Indian villages. In addition to these valleys included within the ranges of the Coast Range mountains, the present investigation also covers the southern part of that portion of the broad Sacramento valley which lies west of the Sacramento river.

Climate.

The climate of this region is varied. Along the coast-line the climate is very mild, the temperature rarely rising above eighty degrees Fahrenheit in summer or falling to the freezing point in winter. The entire immediate coast-line is subject to

― 11 ―

frequent heavy fogs which tend to maintain a constant even temperature. All along the coast, particularly in the regions about Point Arena and Point Reyes, there are at certain seasons heavy winds, usually from the northwest; but as a whole the climate along the immediate coast-line is very mild and equable at all seasons. The average annual rainfall ranges from about twenty or thirty inches in the southern portion of the area to forty or more in the northern portion.Practically nothing has been published concerning the climate of the region under consideration; but from the climate of San Francisco as given in Alexander G. McAdie's Climatology of California (United States Weather Bureau Bulletin L, 1903) some idea may be gained concerning the climate of that portion of the region which lies in the immediate vicinity of San Francisco bay. The mean annual temperature of San Francisco for a period of thirty-one years has been 56.1 degrees Fahrenheit, the warmest month being September with a temperature of 60.8 degrees, and the coldest January with a temperature of 50.2 degrees. The mean annual rainfall is between twenty and thirty inches. Snow is almost entirely unknown, there having been not to exceed ten falls in San Francisco during the past thirty years.

The western slope of the range of low mountains which extends along the entire length of the coast-line has practically the same climate as the immediate shore, except that the rainfall is a little greater and snow falls occasionally during the winter.

The eastern slope of this range has the climate of the region between the inner and outer Coast ranges. In this interior valley region, consisting of the valleys of Russian river, upper Eel river, and affluent streams, there are greater differences of temperature between summer and winter than on the coast, the mean maximum in summer being ninety or ninety-five and the mean maximum in winter about sixty degrees Fahrenheit. On rare occasions the temperature in summer rises as high as one hundred and ten degrees; while in winter it often goes below the freezing point. The mean annual rainfall is from thirty to forty inches in the lower portions of the area, and somewhat more at higher elevations. Snow is rare in the valleys, hardly ever falling more than three or four times in a season and then only very lightly, while several years may pass without any. The region about Clear lake has practically the same climate as the valley region.

The higher peaks of the surrounding ranges, particularly those of the inner or main Coast Range, such as Sheetiron mountain,

― 12 ―

St. John mountain, Snow mountain, and the Sanhedrin range, are often covered with a snow cap until far into the summer; while the lower peaks, such as Cobb mountain and Mount St. Helena, are usually covered with snow during the greater part of the winter. The summer temperature of the main Coast Range is somewhat lower, owing to greater elevation, than that of the valley region to the west and much lower than that of the great Sacramento valley to the east, where the temperature often rises to one hundred and twenty degrees. The rainfall is also greater in the main Coast Range than in the Sacramento valley, varying between twenty and forty inches in the mountains and between ten and twenty in the valley.

Flora.

More or less timber is found in all parts of this area. The mountains along the coast are covered almost continuously from Mount Tamalpais, on the northern shore of San Francisco Bay, northward with a dense forest of redwood, Sequoia sempervirens. In this redwood belt and almost everywhere else in the mountains of the region the Douglas spruce, Pseudotsuga taxifolia, is very abundant. At the higher elevations of the inner or main Coast range sugar pine, Pinus Lambertiana, is found to a limited extent; while one of the most characteristic and common trees of the lower elevations of the same mountains is the "digger" pine, Pinus Sabiniana. The yellow pine, Pinus ponderosa, is fairly common.

The entire region abounds in oaks of many kinds, and it is from these that the chief supply of vegetable food of the Indians was derived, the acorns answering in the aboriginal culture of the region to wheat among civilized peoples. Throughout the valleys back from the coast one of the most common and striking trees is the valley white oak, Quercus lobata, which in former times studded the floor of almost every valley with large wide-spreading trees. This oak formerly provided a great part of the food of the Indians, not only on account of its abundance and accessibility, but also because of the excellent flavor of the acorns. Among the other oaks which are of importance to the Indians are: the California black oak, Q. Californica; the Pacific post

― 13 ―

oak, Q. Garryana; the tan-bark oak, Q. densiflora; and the maul oak, Q. chrysolepis.

The madroña, Arbutus Menziesii, and the buckeye, Aesculus Californica, are common in the foothills and canyons throughout the region. Along the streams the pepperwood or California laurel, Umbellularia Californica, is common and is much used by the Indians. Three species of willow, Salix, are found along the streams. One of these, Salix argyrophylla, is of particular importance to the Indians as a basket material. Groves of alder, Alnus rhombifolia, are found along the larger mountain streams and near springs, but rarely along the larger streams in the open valleys.

The wild grape, Vitis Californica, occurs almost invariably accompanying the alder groves. It is also found along the streams throughout the region, climbing upon almost every sort of tree. Among the most common shrubs are the different species of manzanita, Arctostaphylos, and the poison oak, Rhus diversiloba.

In addition to the fruits of the trees and shrubs of the region the Indians formerly made use of the many smaller plants both as foods and medicines. The seeds of many grasses and flowering plants were used for food; and various species of Trifolium and Compositae were eaten as greens. Not the least important article of food was the bulbs of the various species of lilies, which are perhaps more abundant in this region than in almost any other part of the state. At present these aboriginal foods are comparatively little used.

Fauna.

While this region has been settled by the whites so long that little idea may be had from observation concerning the abundance and variety of game which the Indian formerly counted as a resource, there are still areas where deer are fairly plentiful and where a mountain lion or black bear is occasionally found. Since the coming of firearms, the elk, formerly very plentiful, and the grizzly, the only animal much feared by the Indians, have entirely disappeared. Though the larger wolf has also

― 14 ―

disappeared the coyote has not. This interesting character of Indian mythology is still present, though in diminished numbers. The lynx is still found frequently. Smaller animals such as raccoons, civets, rabbits, squirrels, and others are also abundant. Water mammals have almost all disappeared.

Among the birds which are of importance to the Indians, the two species of so-called quail, the valley quail, Lophortyx Californicus; and the mountain quail, Oreortyx pictus, are among the first. Another is the California woodpecker, Melanerpes formicivorus. These three species are common throughout the region. Along the coast there occur the usual species of water birds, and certain of these, such as ducks, herons, loons, and others, are found in greater or less numbers about Clear lake throughout the year. Various hawks and the turkey buzzard are common throughout the region, and in former times the condor, or California vulture, was also to be found. The various species of smaller birds are yet plentiful.

The usual California species of salt-water fishes are abundant along the coast, as are also various common species of molluscs, among which the mussel is the most esteemed by the Indians. In the waters of the Clear lake region there are several species of fresh-water fish, which form one of the chief sources of food of the Indians there. The rivers and smaller streams are stocked with trout and other small fish, and in season salmon are plentiful, particularly in the streams which flow directly into the ocean.

Inhabitants.

Before the time of white settlement this territory was inhabited by Indians speaking seventeen more or less distinct dialects representing five linguistic stocks: the Pomo, Yuki, Athapascan, Wintun, and Moquelumnan. These people lived in villages, for which the name rancheria, used by the early Mexican settlers, has come into common use. Each of these communities was independent of the others, and corresponded, in being the principal political unit existing among these people, to the tribe in the eastern part of the continent; but was by no means equivalent

― 15 ―

to it in size and organization.Among the Yuki and the Athapascans this is not strictly true as there appears to have been some approach to a loose tribal organization among each. See the section below dealing in detail with the geography and villages of the Yuki. There were no clans or totemic groups. There was no chief in the commonly accepted sense of the term. Among the Pomo at least there were captains, as they are at present called, who had certain very limited authority, but acted more in the capacity of advisors to those under them than as dispensers of justice or as governors. These captains were of two classes, the ordinary or lesser captains, called in the Central Pomo dialect mala'da tcayedūl,The sound values of letters used in Indian terms are given below in treating of the linguistic relationships of these stocks. or surrounding captains; and the head captains, called tcayedūl bate', or big captains. A lesser captain looked after the welfare of all those directly related to him; and the result was that there were usually, though not always, as many captains in each community as there were partially distinct groups of individuals in that community. These lesser captains formed a kind of council which looked after the general welfare of the community at large. From among these lesser captains a head captain was chosen by the people at large, whose chief duties were to arrange for and preside over ceremonials, welcome and entertain visitors from other villages, council with the lesser captains as to proposed measures for the communal welfare, and particularly to give good advice to the people in general by means of discourses both at times of gatherings for various purposes and at other times. The head captain had slightly more authority than the lesser captains, though so far as conducting the affairs of government was concerned there must be a unanimous agreement among the captains before any particular project affecting the public good could be carried out, and all such action was influenced in the greatest measure by public opinion. While the office of head captain seems to have been entirely electoral, that of lesser captain was hereditary, passing from an incumbent to the family of his sister nearest his own age, kinship and descent here being in the female line, a man's real descendants being the children of his sister instead of himself. If he had no sisters, the captainship went to one of his own children or could under certain conditions be

― 16 ―

passed to other relatives, or even to the family of an intimate friend. It was customary for a man at the approach of old age, or if incapacitated for any other reason, to abdicate, there being a considerable ceremony upon the occasion of the inauguration of his successor. Otherwise the office passed to his successor at the time of his death, the ceremony being conducted by another captain in the same manner as in the case of an abdication. As before stated, these captains were governed in the greatest measure by public opinion and had very little absolute authority. They had the power to keep order at ceremonials and other gatherings, and it was their duty to assist in the settling of disputes between individuals in so far as persuasion might aid in the adjustment. In cases of war, which almost always partook more of the nature of feuds than of open wars, a captain of the one side had the right to arbitrarily attempt to end the strife by sending to the captain of the other side a present of beads or other valuables with the statement that he desired peace and considered it time that the war should end. It was not actually incumbent upon the captain of the other side to accept the present, but it was rarely refused, as he considered himself morally bound to accept, and to return a present of like value. In almost all other matters, however, and particularly in matters pertaining to personal rights, the greatest possible independence of the individual is found, there being almost no attempt at governmental control in such matters.

The people of a community possessed exclusive hunting, fishing, and food-gathering rights in the lands adjacent to their village, their claims being usually well understood and their rights respected by the people of neighboring villages. The village, thus holding as a community not only the site but also the hunting and food-gathering lands controlled by it, constituted about the only political division.The name rancheria will here be used to designate a village community with its territory. In speaking of inhabited modern villages the term is, however, used in its commonly accepted local sense to designate the village alone.

In connection with this matter of government, as also in a consideration of the probable population of the region, there are certain areas in which the accompanying maps at first sight may

― 17 ―

be misleading. These are the several regions in which there are unusual numbers of old village sites clustered in small areas, as about Clear lake and along Russian river about Healdsburg and between Hopland and Ukiah. These old village sites were, however, not all inhabited simultaneously, and the numbers of individuals at each differed very materially. Each community, as has been said, controlled a certain definite section of the country, the people of the community confining themselves very strictly to this and permitting no trespassing upon it by the people of other communities. These people did not, however, confine themselves to a single village site within this area but moved about as occasion demanded. These moves were for various reasons. In case of the death of a number of individuals within a short period from contagion or other cause, or if the particular site inhabited was found to give bad luck in any way, or in case the supply of a particular sort of food became short in the immediate vicinity, and for various other reasons, it might be deemed advisable to move to a new site. The distance to which a community moved was usually very short, never more than a few miles, and frequently less than a mile. This site might be occupied for many years, or it might be abandoned within a short time. Old sites might be reoccupied, and it was not unusual for part of the inhabitants of one of these villages to leave and establish a separate village at a short distance from the old one. In such a case there were the usual captains and government, but it seems that, at least for a time after the establishment of this new village, both would be looked upon as parts of the same community, the inhabitants of each village attending ceremonies and other gatherings held at the other, not as guests, but as if actually living at the village where the gathering was held. Also in some of these areas there appear almost no uninhabited modern village sites, while in those areas about which more definite information is obtainable there are many. This is due to the fact that except with especially good informants it has been impossible to determine the relative ages of the sites, it being usually maintained that all the sites mentioned were inhabited prior to the settlement of the country.

It has been difficult to obtain explicit information as to which

― 18 ―

villages were simultaneously occupied, and the periods and sequence of occupation of others, as also information concerning the relative sizes of the various villages. In fact it has been impossible to determine even approximately these points except in the cases of a very few limited areas, owing to the early occupation of the greater portion of the territory under consideration by either Spanish or American settlers and the consequent change of conditions. In the Big valley region on the southern shore of the main body of Clear lake there seem to have been three distinct groups of people or community units: the kūLa'napō, kabē'napō, and lī'leek, occupying simultaneously separate village sites and holding each its definite portion of the lake-shore, valley, and adjacent mountains. As nearly as can be determined, the kūLa'napō occupied the lake-shore and valley from Lakeport eastward to Adobe creek, and their principal village, at least immediately prior to the coming of the first settlers, was at kacī'badōn. The kabē'napō held the region between Adobe creek and a line passing about half way between Kelsey and Cole creeks, their principal village being bida'mīwīna. These two communities used the same language with perhaps very slight differences in the character of the phonetics, and in all other matters such as culture they were identical, but they had separate governments and were entirely distinct from each other, sometimes even engaging in war against each other. There are in both these areas other village sites which may have at other times been the sites of the principal villages of the areas, but these were not all inhabited at the same time, and if two of the sites in any one of the areas were simultaneously inhabited, the people of both sites were considered as belonging to the same community. The third unit area of this valley was occupied by the lī'leek, a people speaking the Yukian Wappo dialect, and extended from the eastern limit of the kabē'napō territory, between Kelsey and Cole creeks, eastward beyond the limits of the valley proper to the vicinity of Soda bay. The chief village of this people was dala'danō. In these three groups are found the nearest approach to tribal units among the Pomo, though these are obviously far from tribes as that term is generally understood with its political significance. Though there is here in each case a group of people having a

― 19 ―

definite group name entirely different from that of their village, a condition very unusual for the Pomo region, there appears to be no political significance attached to this name. The actual government of the people referred to by this name appears to have been in every way the same as that of the people of the other Pomo villages where only the place name has been found applied to the people. In this respect the Pomo differ materially from the Yuki of Round valley, among whom an approach to a true tribal organization is found, but who on the other hand appear to lack anything in the way of a group name. This condition among the Yuki is fully treated in the portion of this paper dealing with that stock.

In this Big valley area it was also found that the sites of villages established since the coming of whites but now abandoned were as numerous as the old ones. In the portion of the Ukiah valley occupied by the people speaking the Central dialect, namely, that portion extending from the old village of ta'tem northward to the northern boundary of the dialect, the ratio of the abandoned sites of villages established in recent times to the old village sites is much smaller, the numbers being four and seven respectively. In this area cō'kadjal and ta'tem seem to have been the chief villages and were occupied practically all the time, while the others were occupied only by smaller numbers of people, or for short periods of time. Cō'kadjal was the larger of the two and was occupied by the people called the yō'kaia.

Judging then from the known conditions in these localities, it seems perfectly proper to suppose that in the areas in which the old village sites appear to be so numerous,—as for instance the region about Healdsburg, where thirty-seven old village sites appear along Russian river from the mouth of Markwest creek northward to the vicinity of Healdsburg, and on the lower course of Dry creek, a total distance of not over ten miles along the river,—a certain proportion of those given by the Indians as old sites are in reality sites that were inhabited subsequent to the settlement of the country; and further, that of the remaining old sites only a certain proportion were simultaneously inhabited. Thus it will be seen that while there is no means of determining these proportions, owing to the small number of Indians now

― 20 ―

living who have any knowledge of the areas in question, it is clear that in such areas the number of community units was probably much smaller than the number of old village sites mapped, perhaps not over one-third, or even less.

This is of course true only in cases of areas where the old sites appear to be very numerous, and must not be applied to the areas where they are few, for it is probable that in such areas only the names of the most important and permanent villages have been recalled by informants. This is particularly true of such areas as that along the cost from the mouth of the Gualala river northward, which was if anything a more desirable place to live than the coast region of the Southwestern Pomo area to the south of it, which appears so far as the accompanying map shows, to have been much more thickly populated.

Naturally there was a certain union of communities possessing a common language; but this was not a political union and was of a very indefinite nature. On the other hand, two or more villages speaking quite different dialects, or even belonging to entirely different linguistic stocks, might unite in war, ceremonials, and so on, particularly if their geographical positions tended to associate them. An example of such union is that of the people speaking the Northeastern Pomo dialect with the people of the Yuki villages near Hullville in Gravelly valley. There is nothing in common between the languages of the two peoples; but the topography of the region is such that communication was easier for this isolated branch of the Pomo with the Yuki than with their Pomo relatives in the main area of the stock.In this case, however, the affiliation was not entirely a matter of geography, since there had been trouble between the Pomo of the Northeastern and Eastern dialect groups, and it may have been very much as a matter of protection to themselves that the Northeastern Pomo united with the Yuki, who are generally said to have been more warlike. Nevertheless, they did not join themselves to the Wintun, whose language was not further removed from their own, and whose territory was nearer and much more accessible, than that of the Yuki. In fact it would seem that geographical and topographical causes, quite as much as linguistic affinities, controlled the associations of villages one with another, but that neither factor was at all absolute.

While the Indians recognized the fact that the people of certain other villages spoke the same language as they themselves, they did not recognize the people of a linguistic family or dialect as a unit, or the territory occupied by a linguistic family or dialect as a unit area. Usually each village community was

― 21 ―

named separately and considered separate from the adjacent communities, its name most often being that of the particular village site combined with an ending signifying "there," "from there," or "place"; the language there being spoken being called the language of that particular village without reference to the neighboring villages using the same language. As above stated, there were also names, such as kūLa'napō, and yō'kaia, which were applied to the people themselves, being entirely distinct from the village names and retained by the people when they moved from one village to another. On the other hand, all the people occupying a valley, regardless of their linguistic affinities, were sometimes classes together; as, for instance, the Potter valley or the Ukiah valley people. Except for the purposes of designating immediately neighboring villages, there was comparatively little specific naming of peoples. The names "north people," "east people," "coast people," and so on, were used to designate all the pepole living in a given direction or withoun a given area of indefinite limits, regardless of linguistic or other relationships. Owing to this total lack of uniformity upon the part of the Indians in designating areas and linguistic relationships, it has been impossible to find names suited to the purposes of designating dialects and dialectic areas. It has, therefore, seemed advisable to select arbitrarily in most cases descriptive geographical terms, such as Northeastern, Western, Central, and so on, for these purposes in the present paper.

The same lack of uniformity is shown, but to an even greater degree, in the names of topographic divisions. Names were given to valleys, mountains, rivers, lakes, rocks, and all important places, but these names were only local and were often hardly known outside of the immediate neighborhood in which they were used. Thus, in going from one village to another only a few miles distant, the name of an important river, lake, or mountain might change entirely, even though the two villages were within the same dialectic area. In the case of a stream of any considerable length, there was no name given by the people of any one locality to it as a whole; but any given portion of it received a name which was usually a compound of the word river with the name of a section of the country, such as the valley, through which it flowed. Very often villages were named for the valley or the portion of the valley in which they were

― 22 ―

situated, or for some stream, rock, or other natural feature near the site.This lack of uniformity in the naming of localities, peoples, and topographic features was noted by Gibbs in his "Journal of the Expedition of Colonel Redick M'Kee," in 1851. After mentioning the "bands" seen at Clear lake, he says: "They give to the first six tribes collectively the name of `Na-po-bati'n,' or many houses; an appellation, however, not confined to themselves, as they term the Russian river tribes the `Boh-Napo-bati'n,' or western many houses. The name `Lu-pa-yu-ma,' which, in the language of the tribe living in Coyote valley, on Putos river, signifies the same as Habe-napo, is applied by the Indians in that direction to these bands, but is not recognized by themselves. Each different tribe, in fact, seems to designate the others by some corresponding or appropriate word in its own language, and hence great confusion often arises among those not acquainted with their respective names. They have no name for the valley itself, and call the different spots where they reside after those of the bands. In fact, local names do not seem to be applied to districts of country, though they may be sometimes to mountains. Rivers seem to be rather described than named—thus Russian river is called here Boh-bid-ah-me, or `river to the west.' "—Journal of the Expedition of Colonel Redick M'Kee, Schoolcraft, Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge, III, 110. From the present investigations it appears, however, that the people of a given locality take the name of that locality rather than that the locality takes the name of the people occupying it.

Culture.

In addition to certain general ethnological characteristics common to the Indians throughout California, the people with whom the present investigation is concerned possess features of culture, such as styles of dwellings and ceremonial lodges, certain implements and certain features of basketry, which serve to unite them with their immediate neighbors and to separate them from more distant peoples in the same general culture area. In the same cultural group with the Indians under consideration should, perhaps, be included the Maidu to the east and the main body of the Moquelumnan family to the southeast of the Wintun, and perhaps others. So little is known of the culture of certain families which are now practically extinct, such as the Yanan in the north and the Costanoan and others to the south, that it is impossible to say how far the limits of this culture extended. Little ethnological work has as yet been carried on among some of the peoples above mentioned, but it seems probable that they have many beliefs and myths in common, and that there are general resemblances in ceremonials and medicine practices. On the other hand, there are other features in which the peoples of this group differ very considerably in different localities.

― 23 ―

In the territory included within the limits of the accompanying maps there are regions which differ materially in climate, topography, and, in what is even more important, flora and fauna. To these variations in environment very many of the differences in culture may be traced. In fact they, much more than differences of language, govern culture; for a particular feature of culture often extends through portions of two or more linguistic stocks which happen to lie within an area with a particular environment.

As has been shown, a large part of the territory under consideration lies within the ranges of the Coast Range mountains. These ranges of mountains, with their general northwesterly-southeasterly trend, quite definitely separate the larger topographic divisions, each with its special features of climate, flora, and fauna; and, since culture here as elsewhere is to a great extent governed by environment, these topographic divisions may be taken as the basis of classification of the special cultural divisions or regions. The divisions thus made, which form long and narrow, north and south areas, may be designated as follows: the coast region, a narrow shelf of land immediately adjacent to the shore of the ocean; the redwood belt, covering the heavily timbered mountain range which closely follows along the coastline and has here been designated as the outer range of the Coast Range mountains; the valley region, consisting of the drainage basins of Russian river, upper Eel river and affluent streams, and the portion of the Sacramento valley included within the limits of this investigation; and the lake region, lying about Clear lake, and entirely within the inner or main range of the Coast Range. These topographical areas do not, however, correspond exactly to the regions of similar culture. The mountains along the coastline are not forested south of a point a few miles south of the mouth of Russian river, and the lake region does not extend through all the portion of the inner or main Coast Range included in the present work. The portions of the main Coast Range north and south of the lake region therefore, as also the unforested southern portion of the range along the coast, are, so far as culture is concerned, classed with the valley region. Otherwise, however, the special characteristics of culture are confined quite strictly to the topographic divisions.

― 24 ―

The coast region is, strictly speaking, confined to a narrow shelf of habitable land varying up to five miles in width, and, in elevation, from sea level at the few sand beaches, to several hundred feet along the cliffs. This narrow shelf of open country together with the adjacent mountains was sufficient to provide the vegetable food used by a large population. However, the chief source of food of this region was the ocean, where fish and molluscs of all kinds abounded. The redwood forest extended to the edge of this coastal shelf, and it was from the redwoods that the people of the coast region obtained their supply of building material and, to a certain extent, their material for clothing. The houses in the coast region were built chiefly of slabs of redwood bark and wood which were leaned together against a vertical center pole to produce a building of conical form. These houses could not, of course, be built very large on account of the material used; but they were very warm and serviceable. The inner bark of the redwood, shredded and attached to a girdle, was used by the women as a skirt. There was no form of boat used along the coast. Redwood or other logs of suitable size were lashed together and made a serviceable raft, which was used not only on tide water of the many streams which empty into the ocean along this stretch of coast, but also for short journeys out from land, to sea-lion rocks and other rocks where game and molluscs might be had. Certain specialized forms of implements such as the elk-horn wedge used in obtaining the bark slabs for building purposes, and a specialized form of dip net, were characteristic of this coast region as a result of environment. While the basketry of the Pomo is essentially the same throughout the entire area occupied by the family, there is one material, the root of the bracken, which is used more particularly on the coast than in the interior.

The redwood belt, the area of dense redwood forest on the range of mountains immediately along the coast, was not much inhabited by the Indians, the only settled portions being the more open parts of the mountains and the few valleys along the eastern border of the belt. The Indians inhabiting these valleys usually built houses of the same sort as those of the coast division, and in other respects their mode of life resembled that of the coast

― 25 ―

people, so that, on the whole, they should probably be classed with them.

From the point of view of culture, the valley region comprises the valleys of upper Eel river, Russian river, Petaluma, Sonoma, and Napa creeks, and the portion of the Sacramento valley included in this investigation; thus including, as before stated, somewhat more than what topographically constitutes the valley region. While the name valley region is given to this area it must be remembered that it is only a name. Within it there are many mountains of considerable height, and the greater portion of the area is covered with ranges of hills of varying heights; but the valleys were practically the only portions permanently inhabited. This area is a large one, and there are within it considerable differences of climate; but in general the character of the country, and to a great extent the flora and fauna, are uniform. Perhaps the most striking cultural feature of this region is the grass-thatched house. In ground plan this house was as a rule rectangular or circular; sometimes, however, it was built in the form of an L. A framework of poles was erected, the poles being planted in the ground and brought together and bound along a horizontal ridge-pole at the top. This framework was then covered with a thatch of long grass, each row of the thatch being held in place by a horizontal pole which was covered by the next higher row. In this manner a good water-proof structure was obtained, but it could usually be used for only one season. This was the winter house—the permanent structure. In the heat of the summer months it was the custom to camp along streams and in other shady places, temporary brush shelters being usually built for this purpose. In the valley region most of the streams are not large enough, particularly during the summer months, to float a canoe for any distance, and in consequence no canoes or rafts of any sort were made, except about the Laguna de Santa Rosa, where tule boats or balsas were used. The acorn provided the chief vegetable food, oaks of several species being very abundant throughout the entire valley region. Otherwise, all sorts of animals from elk down to squirrels and gophers, and also many species of birds, were depended on for food, and there was developed a great variety of devices

― 26 ―

for their capture, which, while not confined to the valley region, were more commonly used here than in the others. The form of skirt used most generally by the women here was that made of the shredded inner bark of the willow. All of these cultural features, as will be readily seen, were governed by environment —in particular, an open grassy country with many game animals and comparative little water and but few fish.

The lake region, a comparatively small and isolated, though evidently thickly populated area, developed some quite specialized ethnological features. Here was found a third form of house, built very much like the valley house, but usually elliptical in ground plan and thatched with the tule rush. The framework of this was built in the same manner as for the grass house of the valley region, and the rows of thatch were secured to the frame in a similar manner. From the tule, which grows very abundantly about all of these lakes, there were also made mats which were spread upon the ground for serving food, or were used as beds and for a great variety of other purposes; slings with which to kill water birds; rough baskets, used particularly about fishing; and boats. The boats, which were really canoeshaped rafts made of bundles of tule, were sometimes twenty or more feet in length; and, even if capsized, could scarcely be sunk. Green tule was shredded and used by the women in making their dress. Fish and water birds were very abundant about Clear lake and provided a great portion of the food supply. This circumstance led to the development of several specialized implements, some of which were not used elsewhere in the territory here treated of. There were special nets for catching ducks and coots, a long-poled dip-net for deep-water fishing, and a special form of basketry fish trap.

The cultural features typical of the several divisions are not confined exclusively to them and may be found outside of the general territory here considered; but, within this territory, the several divisions made on cultural lines are fairly well defined and their characteristics, especially so far as governed by environment, are in each case very constant.

An ethnological line of division independent of the four topographic-cultural regions described, and forming the basis of

― 27 ―

a second separate grouping, passes through the northern portion of the territory under consideration in a general east and west direction. This division corresponds more nearly than the preceding one to the linguistic divisions. This east and west line begins on the coast at the northern Pomo boundary and separates the Coast Yuki and Athapascans from the Pomo, the Yuki proper from the Yukian Huchnom and the Northeastern or Sacramento valley Pomo, and the Northerly Wintun from the Northeastern Pomo and the Southerly Wintun. The northern division thus includes the Coast Yuki, Athapascan, Yuki proper, and Northerly Wintun areas. The southern division includes the Pomo, Yukian Huchnom, Yukian Wappo, Southerly Wintun, and Moquelumnan areas. This division is not strictly linguistic, however, since not only the Wappo who are well to the south but also the Huchnom who are immediately adjacent to the Yuki proper and would naturally be expected to be most similar to them culturally, have well marked cultural affinities with the Pomo; and the cultural differences between the Northerly and the Southerly Wintun, whose dialects are not radically dissimilar, are also quite marked. This distinction of a northern and a southern cultural area is based on very general differences in the mode of life, as also in the implements, basketry, and other articles manufactured by the people of the respective areas. These two more general cultural divisions are not so self-evident as the topographic-cultural areas previously described, and differ from them in not being due directly to the influences of environment.

History.

Explorations.

The early history of California is very intimately connected with that of Mexico, of which country the state was a part for three hundred years. It owes its early discovery to the desire, not only of Spanish but also other navigators, to discover a supposed northern passage connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. With this object in view Cortes, immediately after his conquest of Mexico, then called New Spain, sent out several expeditions, one of which, in 1534, discovered the peninsula of

― 28 ―

Lower California. Eight years later Cabrillo reached what is now the bay of San Diego, and to him belongs the honor of the discovery of California, then called Alta California. He sailed on northward, making frequent landings and finding the Indians very hospitable, to a point nearly opposite San Francisco, and after his death his pilot Bartolomé Ferrello proceeded as far north as Cape Blanco in Oregon; but he made no landings along the coast and left no record of the Indians.

From Sir Francis Drake comes the first record of the Indians north of San Francisco bay. Drake, having been attacked by Spaniards in the West Indies in 1567, determined to obtain redress by attacking the Spanish colonies and commerce of America. His second privateering expedition was directed against the western coast of America, where, after over a year of successful treasure hunting, his vessel was laden with spoil and he determined to seek the northern passage around North America as a route for his return to England. He therefore sailed northward, keeping well out at sea, until he encountered such cold and stormy weather that he was obliged to turn eastward and come to land, which he reached near Cape Blanco in Oregon. From here he coasted southward and finally anchored, June 17, 1579, in a bay just south of Point Reyes,The accounts of this voyage are not sufficiently explicit in the descriptions of this bay to remove all doubt as to its exact location. Some who have investigated the subject hold that Drake entered San Francisco bay, but the majority are of the opinion that it was the small bay, known as Drake's bay, which is shut in by the southward and eastward projection of Point Reyes. where he remained until July 23.

The following account of Drake's stay in this locality is the earliest record of the Indians of this region, and antedates the Spanish mission records of these people nearly two hundred years.

"Next Day after their coming to Anchor in the Harbour aforementioned, the Natives of the Country discovering them, sent a Man to him in a Canoe with all Expedition, but began to speak to them at a great distance, but approaching nearer, made a long solemn Oration, with many Signs and Gestures after their manner, moving his Hands and turning his Head; and after he had ended with great Shew of Respect and Submission, returned

― 29 ―

again to Shoar. He repeated the Ceremony a second and third Time; bringing with him a Bunch of Feathers, like those of a black Crow, neatly placed on a String, and gathered into a round Bundle, exactly cut, equal in length, which (as they understood afterwards) was a special Badge worn by the Head of the Guard of the King's Person. He brought also a little Basket made of Rushes, full of a Herb called Tobah, which tied to a sort of Rod he cast into their Boat. The General intended instantly to have recompenced him, but could not perswade him to receive any thing, except a Hat thrown out of the Ship into the Water refusing any thing else, though it were upon a Board thrust off to him, and so presently returned. After this their Boats could row no way, but they would follow them, seeming to adore them as Gods.

"June 21, their Ship being leaky, came near the Shoar to land their Goods, but to prevent any Surprize, the General sent his Men ashoar first, with all Necessaries for the making Tents, and a Fort for securing their Purchase; which the Natives observing, came down hastily in great Numbers, with such Weapons as they had, as if angry, but without the least thought of Hostility; for approaching them they stood as Men ravished with Admiration at the Sight of such things as they had never before heard nor seen, seeming rather to reverence them as Deities, than to design War against them as mortal Men, which they discovered every Day more clearly, during the whole Time of staying among them. Being directed by Signs to lay down their Bows and Arrows, they immediately obeyed, as well as the rest, who came continually to them; so that in a little while there were a great Company of Men and Women to confirm this Peace which they seemed so willing to agree to, the General and his Men treated them very courteously, bestowing on them freely what might cover their Nakedness, and making them sensible that they were not Gods but Men, and had themselves need of Garments to cover their Shame, and persuaded them to put on Clothes, eating and drinking in their Presence to satisfy them, that being Men, they could not live without it; yet all would not prevail to persuade them that they were not Gods: In recompence of Shirts, Linnen, Cloth and the like, bestowed on them, they gave

― 30 ―

the General and his Company Feathers, Cawls of Network, Quivers for Arrows made of Fawnskins, and the Skins of those Beasts the Women wore on their Bodies.

"Being at length fully contented with viewing them, they returned with Joy to their Houses, which are dug round into the Earth, and have from the Surface of the ground, Poles of Wood set up and joined together at the top like a spired Steeple, which being covered with Earth, no Water can enter, and are very warm, the Door being also the Chimney to let out the Smoak, which are made slopous like the Scuttle of a Ship: Their Beds are on the hard Ground strewed with Rushes, with a Fire in the midst round which they lye, and the roof being low round and close, gives a very great Reflection of Heat to their Bodies. The Men generally go naked, but the Women combing out Bulrushes, make with them a loose Garment, which ty'd round their middle, hangs down about their Hipps: And hides what Nature would have concealed: They wear likewise about their shoulders a Deer skin with the Hair thereon: They are very obedient and serviceable to their Husbands, doing nothing without their command or consent: Returning to their Houses they made a lamentable Howling and Cry, which the English, though three Quarters of a Mile distant heard with Wonder, the Women especially extending their Voices with doleful Shrieks."

"Notwithstanding this seemed Submission and Respect, the General having experienced the Treachery of other Infidels, provided against any Alteration of their mind, setting up Tents, and intrenching themselves with Stone walls, which done, they grew more secure. Two days after this first Company were gone a great Multitude of others, invited by their Report, came to visit them, who as the other, brought Feathers, and Bags of Tobah for Presents, or rather for Sacrifices, believing they were Gods; coming to the Top of the Hill, at the Bottom whereof they had built their Fort, they made a stand, where their chief Speaker wearied himself, and them with a long Oration, using such violent Gestures, and so strong a Voice, and speaking so fast that he was quite out of Breath. Having done, all the rest bowed their Bodies very low and reverently to the Ground, crying Oh, as consenting to all had been said: then leaving their Bows and

― 31 ―

their Women and Children behind, they came down with their Presents in such an awful Posture, as if they had indeed appeared before a Deity thinking themselves happy to be near General Drake, and especially when he accepted what they so willingly offered, getting as nigh him as possible, imagining they approached a God.

"Mean time the Women, as if frantick, used unnatural Violence to themselves, striking dreadfully, and tearing their Cheeks with their Nails till the Blood streamed down their Breasts, rending their Garments from the upper Parts of their Bodies, and holding their Hands over their Heads, thereby to expose their Breasts to danger; they furiously threw themselves on the Ground, not regarding whether it were wet or dry, but dashed their naked Bodies against Stones, Hills, Woods, Bushes, Briars or whatever lay in their way, which Cruelty they repeated (yea some Women with Child) fifteen or sixteen times together, till their Strength failed them thereby, which was more grievous to the English to see, than themselves to suffer. This bloody Sight ended, the General and his Company fell to Prayers, and by lifting up their Hands and Eyes to Heaven, signified that their God, whom they sought to worship, was above in the Heavens, whom they humbly besought, if it were his Pleasure, to open their blind Eyes, that they might come to the Knowledge of JESUS CHRIST: While the English were at Prayers, singing of Psalms, and reading some chapters in the Bible, they sat very attentive, and at the End of every Pause, cried out with one voice, Oh I, seeming to rejoice therein, yea, delighted to so much in their singing Psalms, that after, when they resorted to them, they ardently desired that they should sing. After their Departure they returned all that the General had given them, thinking themselves sufficiently happy in having free Access to them.

"Three Days after June 26, the News having spread itself farther into the Country, another great Number of People were assembled, and among them their KING himself, a Man of comely Presence and Stature, attended with a Guard of an hundred tall stout Men, having sent two Ambassadors before, to tell the General their Hioh, or King, was coming; one of them in

― 32 ―

delivering his Message spake low, which the other repeated Verbatim with a loud Voice, wherein they continued about half an Hour; which ended by Signs they desired some Present to their King to assure him of coming in Peace, which the General willingly granted, and they joyfully went back to their Hioh. A while after, their King with all his Train appeared in as much Pomp as he could, some loudly crying and singing before him; as they came nearer, they seemed greater in their Actions: In the Front before him marched a tall Man of good Countenance, carrying the Sceptre, or Mace Royal, of black Wood, about a Yard and half long, upon which hung two Crowns, one less than the other, with three very long Chains oft doubled, and a Bag of the Herb Tobah; the Crowns were of Knit-work wrought curiously with Feathers of divers Colours, and of a good Fashion, the Chains seemed of Bone, the Links being in one chain was almost innumerable, and worn by very few, who are stinted in their Number, some to ten, twelve, or twenty, as they exceed in Chains, are thereby accounted more honourable. Next the Sceptre bearer came the King himself, with his Guard about him, having on his Head a Knit work Cawl, wrought somewhat like a Crown, and on his Shoulders a Coat of Rabbet Skins reaching to his Waste. The Coats of his Guard were of the same Shape, but other Skins, having Cawls with Feathers, covered with a Down growing on an Herb, exceeding any other Down for Fineness, and not to be used by any but those about the King's Person, who are also permitted to wear a Plume of Feathers on his Head, in sign of honour, and the seeds of this Herb are used only in Sacrifice to their Gods. After them followed the Common People almost naked, whose long Hair tied up in a Bunch behind, was stuck with Plumes of Feathers, but in the forepart only one Feather like an Hord, according to their own Fancy, their Faces were all painted, some White, others Black, or other Colours, every Man bringing something in his Hand for a Present: the Rear of their company consisted of Women and Children, each Woman carrying a Basket or two with Bags of Tobah, a Root called Patah (whereof they make Bread, and eat it either Raw or Baked), broiled Fishes like Pilchards, the Seeds and Down aforementioned, and such other things: Their Baskets are made

― 33 ―

of Rushes like a deep boat, and so well wrought as to hold Water. They hang pieces of Pearl shells, and sometimes Links of these Chains on the Brims, to signify they were only used in the Worship of their Gods; they are wrought with matted down of red Feathers into various Forms.

"General Drake caused his Men to be on their guard whatever might happen, and going into his Fort, made the greatest shew possible of Warlike Preparations (as he usually did), so that had they been real Enemies they might thereby be discouraged from attempting anything against them. Approaching nearer, and joining closer together, they gave a general Salutation, and after Silence, he who carried the Sceptre, prompted by another assign'd by the King, repeated loudly what the other spake low, their Oration lasting half an hour, at the close whereof they uttered a common Amen, in Approbation thereof: Then the King with the whole number of Men and Women (the little Children remaining only behind) came farther in the same Order down to the Foot of the Hill near the Fort; When the Sceptre bearer, with a composed Countenance, began a Song, and as it were a Dance, and was followed by the King and all the rest, but the Women, who were silent: They came near in their Dance, and the General perceiving their honest Simplicity, let them enter freely within the Bulwarks, where continuing awhile singing and dancing, the Women following with their Bowls in their Hands, their Bodies bruised, and their Faces, Breasts and other Parts, torn and spotted with Blood: Being tired with this Exercise, they by Signs desired the General to sit down, to whom their King and others seemed to make Supplication, that he would be the King and Governor of their country, to whom they were most willing to resign the Government of themselves and their Posterity; and more fully to declare their meaning, the King with all the rest unanimously singing a Song, joyfully set the Crown on his Head, enriching his Neck with Chains, offering him many other Things, and honouring him with the Title of Hioh, concluding with a Song and Dances of Triumph, that they were not only visited by Gods (which they still judged them), but that the great God was become their King and Patron, and they now the happiest People in the World.

― 34 ―

"The General observing them so freely to offer all this to him, was unwilling to disoblige them, since he was necessitated to continue there some time, and to require Relief in many things from them not knowing what Advantage it might bring in time to his own Country, therefore in the Name and for the Use of Queen Elizabeth, he took the Sceptre, Crown and Dignity of that Land upon him, wishing that the Riches and Treasures thereof, wherein the upper Parts abound, might be as easily transported thither, as he had obtained the Sovereignty thereof, from a People who have Plenty, and are of a very loving and tractable Nature, seemingly ready to embrace Christianity, if it could be preach'd and made known to them. These Ceremonies over, the common People leaving the King and his Guard mingled themselves among them strictly surveying every Man, and enclosing the youngest, offered Sacrifices to them with a lamentable Shriek and weeping, tearing their Flesh from off their Faces with their Nails, and this not the Women only, but old Men likewise were even as violent in roaring and crying as they. The English much grieved at the Power of Satan over them, shewed all kind of dislike thereto by lifting their Eyes and Hands toward Heaven; but they were so mad on their Idolitry, that tho' held from rending themselves, yet when at Liberty, were as violent as before, till those they adored were conveyed into their Tents; whom yet as Men distracted they raged for again: Their Madness a little qualified, they complained to them of their Griefs and Diseases, as old Aches, shrunk Sinews, cankered Sores, Ulcers, and Wounds lately received, wherewith divers were afflicted, and mournfully desired Cure for them, making Signs, that if they did but blow upon them, or touch their Maladies, they should be healed. In pity to them, and to shew they were but Men, they used common Ointment and Plasters for their Relief, beseeching God to enlighten their Minds.

"During their Stay here they usually brought Sacrifices every third Day, till they clearly understood the English were displeased, whereupon their Zeal abated; yet they continually resorted to them with such Eagerness, that they oft forgot to provide Sustenance for themselves, so that the General, whom they counted their Father, was forced to give them Victuals, as

― 35 ―

Muscles, Seals, and the like; wherewith they were extremely pleased, and since they could not accept of Sacrifices, they, hating ingratitude, forced what they had upon them in recompence, though never so useful to themselves: They are ingenious, and free from Guile or Treachery; their Bows and Arrows (which are their only Weapons, and almost all their Wealth) they use very skilfully, yet without much Execution, they being fitter for Children than Men, though they are usually so strong, that one of them could easily carry that a Mile together without Pain, which two or three Englishmen there could hardly bear; they run very swiftly and long, and seldom go any other Pace: if they see a Fish so near Shoar as to reach the Place without swimming, they seldom miss it.

"Having finished their Affairs the General and some of his Company made a Journey up the Country to observe their manner of Living, with the Nature and Commodities of the Country: They found their Houses such as you have heard, and many being fix'd in one Place, made divers Villages: The Inland was far different from the Sea shoar, it being a very fruitful Soil, furnished with all necessaries, and stored with large fat Deer, whereof they saw Thousands in an Herd, and Rabbets of a strange kind, having Tails like Rats, and Feet like a Mole, with a Natural Bag under their Chin, wherein, after they have filled their Belly abroad, they put the rest for Relieving their Young, or themselves when they are willing to stay at home. They eat their Bodies, but preserve their Skins, of which the Royal Garments of the King are made. This Country General Drake called Nova Albion, both because it had white Cliffs toward the Sea, and that its Name might have some likeness to England, which was formerly so called. Before they went hence, the General caused a Mountain to be erected, signifying that the English had been there, and asserting the right of Queen Elizabeth, and her Successors, to that Kingdom, all engraven on a plate of Brass, and nailed to a great firm Post, with the Time of their Arrival, the Queen's Name, and the free Resignation of the Country by the King and People into her Hands, likewise his Picture and Arms, and underneath the General's Arms.

"The Spaniards had never any Commerce, nor even set Foot

― 36 ―

in this Country, their utmost Acquisitions being many degrees Southward thereof; and now the Time of their Departure being at hand, the joy of the Natives was drowned in extream Sorrow, pouring out woful Complaints and grievous Sighs and Tears, for leaving them; yet since they could not have their Presence (they supposed them indeed to be mindful of them in their Absence) declaring by signs that they hoped hereafter to see them again, and before the English were awake, set fire to a Sacrifice, which they offered to them, burning therein a Chain of a Bunch of Feathers. The General endeavoured by all means to hinder their Proceedings, but could not prevail, till they fell to Prayers and singing of Psalms, when allured thereby, forgetting their Folly, and leaving their Sacrifice unconsumed, and the Fire, to go out, imitating the English in all their Actions, they lift up their Heads and Eyes to Heaven as they did. On July 23 they took a sorrowful Leave of them but loath to part with them, they went to the top of the Hills to keep sight of them as long as possible, making Fires before, behind, and on each side of them, wherein they supposed Sacrifices were offered for their happy Voyage."Early English Voyages to the Pacific Coast of America (from their own, and contemporary English, accounts). Sir Francis Drake.—Out West, XVIII, 75-79; Los Angeles, California, 1903. Hakluyt, writing in 1600, records two much more brief accounts of Drake's voyage and his stay at Drake's bay, but these lack the minor, interesting details of the account reprinted here.—See Richard Hakluyt, The Voyages, Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, III, 440-442, and 737, 738, London, 1600. In the reprinted edition of Hakluyt's work (London, 1810) one of these accounts appears, Vol. III, pp. 524-526. Among more recent publications a brief account, giving substantially the same facts, is to be found in Theodore H. Hittell's History of California, I, 89-93, San Francisco, 1885. From the few Indian words given in the above account no conclusion as to the language of the people with whom Drake came in contact can be drawn. It may be noted however that among Moquelumnan peoples the word signifying captain is hō'īpū, which may be the same as the "Hioh" given as the name of the king in this account. The expressions of assent and pleasure which are here noted are those commonly used not only by the Moquelumnan peoples of this region but by the Pomo to the north of them where such expressions as ō, yō, or īyō', the expression differing with the locality, are heard, as evidences of approval of the sentiment expressed by a speaker, or of satisfaction with the performance of a dance. Further in this connection it is interesting that the chronicler mentions baskets "like a deep boat" which it is to be presumed refers to the canoe shaped baskets made particularly by the Pomo, whose territory lies but a few miles north of Point Reyes. Baskets of this specialized form are almost entirely unknown in California except among the Pomo and perhaps certain of their immediate neighbors. Further, the chronicler mentions that their baskets of different forms were ornamented with shell beads and red feathers. This also points to the Pomo culture. Ornamentation with shell beads was very rare among other California people and the covering of the entire surface of a basket with feathers, or as it is described here "with a matted down of red Feathers" was, in aboriginal times so far as is known never attempted by any California people other than the Pomo. These facts therefore point further to the tenability of the belief that Drake's landing was somewhere north of San Francisco bay, possibly even north of Point Reyes, though Pomo of the Southern or Southwestern dialectic area may have journeyed down to Drake's bay bringing their boat shaped and ornamented baskets with them, as these are only mentioned in connection with the very great gathering of Indians when their so-called king visited Drake.

― 37 ―

In 1602 Sebastian Viscaino made a more detailed exploration of the California coast than had previously been made and recommended that permanent settlements be established. But this was not undertaken until 1683, and was not successfully accomplished until 1697, when missions were established on the peninsula of Lower California by Fathers of the Jesuit Order.

In 1768, the Jesuits, who had fallen greatly into disfavor with the government, were expelled from all of the Spanish possessions, and the missions in Lower California were placed in charge of the Franciscan Order. The Franciscans were thoroughly in accord with the government, and royal mandates were issued to the effect that not only Lower but also Upper, or Alta, California should be colonized at the earliest possible time. The civil and military authorities were to direct the expeditions, but were to be assisted by the Franciscan Fathers; and particular instructions were given that the first settlements should be at San Diego and Monterey respectively.

Settlements.

California Missions.

In pursuance of these mandates, the first expedition left Lower California in 1769, the civil and military affairs being in charge of Governor Portola, the actual founding of the new missions in the hands of Father Junipero Serra.

Having arrived at San Diego and arranged the preliminaries of the settlement to be made there, Governor Portola proceeded northward overland to establish the settlement at Monterey, but on reaching the site failed to recognize it and finally, in his search, passed on as far north as where San Francisco now stands.

― 38 ―

He seems to have taken very little notice of the bay of San Francisco or of the inhabitants of the region, but, having satisfied himself that he had passed Monterey, returned to San Diego. A second land expedition, sent from San Diego in 1770, in connection with a vessel, succeeded in finding Monterey and established the royal presidio of that name and the mission of San Carlos de Monterey.

The reports which were immediately prepared and sent to the authorities in Mexico, setting forth the resources and promise of these new possessions, and detailing the founding of the new missions, were published, and were so highly gratifying, not only to the authorities and populace of Mexico but also to those of Spain, that within a short time provision was made for the establishment of five new missions, two of which were to be north of Monterey. San Francisco was at once named as the site for one, but the actual establishment of the mission there did not take place until about six years later.

San Francisco.

For a short time after its discovery in 1769 San Francisco bay was not again visited; but in 1772 a land expedition left Monterey for the purpose of exploring it and the surrounding country, and with the object of passing around it and reaching Point Reyes, where it was supposed the best location for a settlement would be found. The party passed around the southern end of the bay and along the eastern shore as far as Carquinez straits, where they were obliged to turn back on account of being unable to cross the river. They were, however, greatly impressed with the magnitude of the bay and the fertility of the surrounding lands. In 1774 another land expedition was sent which made a more detailed exploration of the region; and in the summer of 1775 the San Carlos, a paqueboat or barco of not more than two hundred tons burden, sailed into the bay and explored its numerous arms and channels.

In accordance with orders issued in 1774 by the viceroy of New Spain, thirty soldiers with their families and twelve other settlers with their families were sent to San Francisco, where they arrived on June 27, 1776, and shortly after began work on

― 39 ―

the buildings of the new mission, known as San Francisco or Dolores, or in full, the Mission of San Francisco de Assisi at Dolores, which was the sixth of those established in California. Here was developed one of the most important early settlements and in due time the largest city on the Pacific coast of America.

In 1804, with the founding of the nineteenth mission, that of Santa Inez, the establishment of missions purely for the purpose of converting the Indians may be said to have ended. The region north of San Francisco bay as yet remained almost wholly unexplored and would probably not have been settled from the south for many years had it not been for the establishment of a Russian settlement from the north.

Fort Ross (Russian Settlement).

With the discovery of Alaska by Admiral Behring, in 1728, came the knowledge of its great numbers of fur seals and other fur-bearing animals; with the result that in due time the Russian-American Fur Company was organized, with a charter which gave it a practical monopoly of all the fur trade of the north Pacific, as well as the right to take possession of and govern any new territory. Having thoroughly established itself in Alaska, where it had operated since 1799, the company began to widen its influence, and, in 1806 sent a trading expedition to California, which returned with such a favorable report of the country that it was determined to make a settlement somewhere on its northern coast. Accordingly, in 1809, an expedition was sent for the purpose, and some temporary buildings were erected at Bodega bay, about forty-five miles north of San Francisco. Finally, in 1811, after a thorough exploration of the coast and the lower course of Russian river (called by the Russians the Slavianska), a permanent settlement was located at Fort Ross, about sixteen miles north of Bodega bay and eight miles north of the mouth of Russian river. This was the first permanent settlement established north of San Francisco bay, and was looked upon with much disfavor by the Spanish, who, however, were not strong enough to do anything but protest, as is shown by the fact that the Russians remained at Fort Ross until 1840, when they voluntarily withdrew.

― 40 ―

San Rafael.

At last, probably partly on account of the danger of Russian encroachments from Fort Ross and partly on account of the unhealthful conditions at the mission of San Francisco, it was determined by both the civil authorities and the Franciscans in 1817 to found an establishment on the northern shore of the San Francisco bay, and San Rafael was selected as the site. It seems that at first this was not a full mission but was termed an "assistencia," or branch of San Francisco. A chapel instead of a mission church was erected and the establishment was placed in charge of a supernumerary of the San Francisco mission. Nevertheless San Rafael was from the first managed practically as a mission and became very prosperous. It was abandoned in 1843, nine years after the secularization enforced by the Mexican government, and the mission properties were sold at auction in 1846.

Sonoma.

During the Mexican revolution there was no thought given by the Spanish-speaking people of California to the Russian settlement at Fort Ross, but in 1823, after Mexican independence seemed thoroughly established, attention was again directed to the Russians and it was determined to found a new Mexican establishment farther to the north. Accordingly, in that year, father José Altimera, after traversing with an escort of soldiers the region from where Petaluma now stands to the plains of Suisun and making a careful survey of the country, selected Sonoma as the most promising site. The building of a mission was begun on August 25. It seems to have been for some time the desire of the secular authorities to suppress both the San Francisco or Dolores and the San Rafael missions, transferring all of the Indians there to the new mission at Sonoma, which had been called San Francisco Solano, or New San Francisco; but, owing to the vigorous objections of the clerical authorities, both of the older establishments were allowed to continue. The mission at Sonoma was abandoned about 1840, the mission properties probably being sold about the same time as those at San Rafael. Sonoma, the twenty-first mission founded in California, was the last of the old missions actually established and maintained for

― 41 ―

any length of time. In 1827 an attempt was made to found a mission at Santa Rosa, and some buildings were erected; but there seems to have been no resident missionary appointed and it is unlikely that the work of converting the Indians there ever proceeded very far.

In 1834, the date of the secularization of the California missions, a presidio was established at Sonoma and in the following year active steps were taken looking toward the settlement of the territory to the north and northwest, with the result that in a few years many settlers had established themselves throughout the more fertile valleys as far north as Ukiah, on the Russian river, and Big valley, on the southern shore of Clear lake. These points were the northern limits of Mexican settlement in the Coast Range mountains. Many of these settlers obtained grants of large tracts of land from the Mexican government, some of which were confirmed by the United States government after the cession of California to the United States.

American Occupation of California.

With the year 1840 American immigrants began to cross the mountains into California, but these additions to the population were very small until the discovery of gold in 1848, after which no obstacle seemed too great to be overcome in order to reach the west. The result was that within a few years the entire state had been settled not only by miners but also by those seeking permanent homes and openings for agriculture and trade. It is not necessary to detail the settlement of the region immediately north of San Francisco bay. It lacked the gold found in some other portions of the state and was not, therefore, sought by the first immigrants, who were chiefly gold-seekers; but its settlement began shortly after the gold excitement and has continued steadily up to the present time. This settlement was attended by the usual friction between the Indians and the white settlers, with the result that the Indians are now dependents, residing on ranches by the permission of the owners, or that they have at last acquired title to small holdings of land which they own on a coöperative plan.

― 42 ―

As to the population of this territory at the time of the founding of the missions at San Rafael and Sonoma, or in fact at any time up to the establishment of the reservations, there is no reliable information, but it is certain that the contact with the whites greatly decreased it at an early date. Some early settlers made estimates of the aboriginal population, but these are only estimates and are without doubt in most cases far in excess of the actual population. MenefeeC. A. Menefee, Historical and Descriptive Sketch-Book of Napa, Sonoma, Lake, and Mendocino, p. 19; Napa City, Cal., 1873. says: "George C. Yount, the first white settler in Napa valley (who arrived here in 1831), said that, in round numbers, there were from 10,000 to 12,000 Indians ranging the country between Napa and Clear lake. Of this number he says there were at least 3,000 in Napa County, and perhaps twice that number. It is only certain that they were very numerous, and that they have mostly disappeared."

The first information which may be taken as at all authentic is the estimate of Col. Redick M'Kee, in 1851, as given by GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 112. in his "Journal of the Expedition of Colonel Redick M'Kee, United States Indian Agent, through Northwestern California," in which he says under date of August 21, 1851: "The estimates made by Colonel M'Kee of the whole number, from the head of Russian river down, are as follows: In the valleys of Sonoma and the Russian river, 1,200; on Clear lake and the adjacent mountains, 1,000; on the coast from Fort Ross southward to the bay, 500." It must be remembered that Colonel M'Kee experienced some difficulty in inducing the Indians to assemble or even to give in an enumeration on account of the punishment inflicted by the United States troops during the previous spring, when many Indians about Clear lake and in the upper Russian river valley were killed as a result of what is known as the Stone and Kelsey massacre. It is therefore very likely that the numbers given are smaller than the actual numbers of Indians in these localities at that time.

As nearly as can be determined the present population, including mixed bloods recognized as Indians, within the limits of the territory under investigation is about as follows:

― 43 ―

Pomo	800
Yuki	40
Athapascan	50
Wintun	110
Moquelumnan	35
Total	1,035

In these estimates there has been no account taken of any Indians not residing within the limits of the territory under investigation. According to the 1907 agency census there are some over six hundred Indians residing on the reservation in Round Valley, which lies just north of the limits of the territory under consideration. A few Pomo, and nearly all the surviving Yuki, over two hundred in number, are on the reservation. In respect to the Wintun also the number here given takes into account only those residing in the portion of the Wintun territory included in the accompanying maps.

Influence of Settlement Upon the Indians.

With the settlement of California the Indians became gradually changed in their habits and mode of life. The missions were founded ostensibly for the purpose of converting the Indians to Christianity and the missionaries gathered the Indians about them at the missions to instruct them in the new faith. As a result villages were established near the missions and the Indians were gradually pursuaded to adopt Spanish dress and manners, as also to speak the Spanish language; and this influence was felt not only by the Indians originally living immediately about the site of a mission but also by others at greater distances who were induced to move to it. At the time of the founding of the mission of San Francisco, in 1776, there were no Indians at all on the northern end of the San Francisco peninsula. Recent hostilities between those who usually lived here and their southern neighbors had resulted in the flight of the former to the northern shores of the bay, and to the islands in the bay. Under the protection of the mission they soon returned and others were gradually brought in, most of them settling in the immediate vicinity of the mission, but some along the eastern shore of the bay. Among these were some from the region just

― 44 ―

north of the bay, but it is not likely that a very great number were brought from farther north than the section about where the town of San Rafael now stands. When the mission at San Rafael was founded in 1817, some of the Indians at San Francisco were transferred to the new establishment. The number originally transferred was, according to Engelhardt,Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt, O. S. F., The Franciscans in California, p. 440. about 230, although there seems to be little evidence as to the exact numbers transferred either at this time or later. The Indians of the vicinity of San Rafael, and some from as far north as Santa Rosa, were brought into the new mission until the time of the founding of Sonoma in 1823, after which the work of converting the Indians was extended still farther north.Concerning the Indians of Sonoma, Engelhardt says, p. 451: "At the end of 1824 the mission had 693 neophytes, of whom 322 had come from San Francisco, 153 from San José, 92 from San Rafael, and 96 had been baptized at the mission. By 1830, six hundred and fifty Indians had been baptized and 375 buried; but the number of neophytes had reached only 760. The different tribes of Indians that furnished converts were the Aloquiomi, Atenomac, Conoma, Carquin, Canijolmano, Caymus, Chemoco, Chichoyoni, Chochyem, Coyayomi, Joyayomi, Huiluc, Huymen, Lacatiut, Loaquiomi, Linayto or Libayto, Locnoma, Mayacma, Muticulmo, Malaca, Napato, Oleomi, Putto or Putato, Palnomanoc, Paque, Petaluma, Suisun, Satayomi, Soneto, Tolen, Tlayacma, Tamal, Topayte, Ululato, Zaclom, Utinomanoc." From this list of what Engelhardt calls tribes, but which are in reality only names of villages, it will be seen that the influence of Sonoma reached as far east as the Sacramento river, as far north as Coyote valley on Putah creek, or possibly to the southern end of Clear lake, and as far west as Tomales bay. The largest number at San Rafael in any one year was 1,140 in 1828,Engelhardt, Op. cit., p. 441. and the largest number at Sonoma was 996 in 1832.Engelhardt, Op. cit., p. 453.

The decree of secularization promulgated by the Mexican government in 1833 and executed in 1834 caused the abandonment of almost all the missions throughout the state within a few years thereafter and the consequent dispersion of the Indians, who then returned to their former villages. In 1842 the numbers at San Rafael and Sonoma are said to have been reduced to 20 and 70 respectively.Robert A. Thompson, Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County, California, p. 11.

It was found necessary by the missionaries to use strong measures to preserve order in the villages about the missions and

― 45 ―

to maintain the proper decorum at religious services; but notwithstanding the fact that some early writers charge the missionaries with cruelty, force was not as a rule resorted to until after persuasion had been thoroughly tried, and even then nothing was done which could be a permanent injury to the offender, the missionaries being as a rule apparently very solicitous for the physical as well as the spiritual welfare of those under their care. As much, however, cannot be said of the military and the settlers either of the older Spanish and Mexican times or of the early days of the American occupation of the state. The worst treatment which the Indians received was at the hands of certain men who made frequent raids on the rancherias for the purpose of capturing Indians to be used on their ranches as vaqueros or work-hands, or in their households as servants. Children to be used as servants seem to have been chiefly in demand, although adults were often taken. In the days of the early Mexican settlers it was not uncommon for a ranchero with his Mexican vaqueros to surround a rancheria, kill any Indians who resisted, and then select from the remainder those most suited to his purpose. After the American occupation these excesses grew even worse and there were those who made a regular business of kidnapping children and selling them in the settlements about San Francisco bay and southward. These captives were virtually slaves and while there was not the practice of assembling a large number and working them under overseers, as was the case with the negroes, they were expected to obey every wish of their masters and were sometimes punished severely for disobedience. The raids of the early Mexican ranchers rarely if ever extended farther north than the villages in the region immediately north of San Francisco bay, but those of the later kidnappers went as far north at least as Humboldt bay. While the last of these excesses were committed not later than about 1860 to 1865, and the Indians have been living in peace from oppression of this kind for forty or more years, there are still not a few of the old people who can tell of their own days of servitude. So far as can be learned the Russians at Fort Ross always treated the Indians of that region with fairness and consideration.

― 46 ―

Reservations.

As soon as possible after the acquisition of California by the United States, the federal government turned its attention to the Indians of the newly acquired territory and set about establishing reservations for them.

During the spring of 1851 Colonel Redick M'Kee, accompanied by a small escort of soldiers, started northward from Sonoma for the purpose of exploring the country and ascertaining the condition of the Indian population, with a view to the establishment of reservations in the northern part of the state. He passed up the Russian river valley, making a short side excursion into the Clear lake region, and thence on to the headwaters of Eel river, down which stream he passed to Humboldt bay. He interviewed as many as possible of the Indians, explained to them the purpose of the government in establishing reservations, and attempted to induce them to agree to go on to reservations when these should be selected. It would seem that he tentatively set apart as a reservation an area of considerable extent lying along the western and southern shores of Clear lake.One Indian informant in speaking of the establishment of the reservation at Clear lake said that Colonel M'Kee made his camp at the Indian village of se'dīleū and, after making presents to the Indians, told them that for all time the village of se'dīleū with its surrounding lands should be their property and should serve them as a home where they should not be disturbed by white settlers. Another informant stated that the site of Colonel M'Kee's camp was the Indian village immediately west of cabē'gok and about a quarter of a mile southeast of se'dīleū. According to this same informant also Colonel M'Kee set apart as a reservation and deeded to the captains Hū'lyō and Perīē'tō of the kūLa'napō and kabē'napō respectively the portion of the southern shore of Clear lake extending from what is now known as McGough slough, which lies about a quarter of a mile west of se'dīleū, eastward to Cole creek at the foot of Mount Kana'ktai or a distance of nearly three miles. The southern limits of this reserve could not be remembered by the informant. According to his report in Senate Executive Documents, No. 4, 32d Cong., Spec. Sess., 136-142, 1853, where a full account of this visit to the lake region and the treating with the Indians is given, Colonel M'Kee spent three days at the camp above referred to, which he called Camp Lupiyuma. During this time he had several formal meetings with the captains of the surrounding villages with the result that a treaty was finally signed by eight captains, and also by certain of the other prominent Indians present, setting apart for reservation purposes what he terms in his report all of the Clear lake valley proper, which probably refers to the valley now known as Big valley on the southern shore of the main body of Clear lake. The greater number of the Indians of the valleys of the upper Russian river and those of the Clear lake region agreed to

― 47 ―

move on to this reservation as soon as it was formally set apart. In view of this agreement he appointed Mr. George Parker Armstrong as a temporary agent, whose duties were to visit the reservation frequently, to store and distribute any provisions that might be ordered for the Indians who had entered into the agreement, and to collect certain data concerning the Indians living along the coast, preparatory to their removal to the reservation. No official action, however, seems to have been taken concerning this proposed reservation.

Mendocino Reservation.

The first definite reservation in this portion of the state was what is known as the Mendocino reservation, established in 1856 under the supervision of Colonel Thomas J. Henley, Superintendent of Indian Affairs in California. This reservation extended along the Mendocino coast from Hare river, a small stream about half a mile south of Noyo river, northward to Hale creek, bīlō'bida, about a mile north of Ten-mile river; thus giving a total length of about eleven miles. It extended about three miles back from the coast line, thus including a broad belt of redwood timber, and containing approximately twenty-five thousand acres. The first station and permanent headquarters were established a short distance north of Noyo river. Sub-stations were established as follows: Bald Hill, about three miles north-east of headquarters; Ten Mile, near the mouth of Ten Mile river; Culle-Bulle, between Noyo and Hare rivers. Captain H. L. Ford was the sub-agent in charge of the reservation and each substation was in charge of an overseer. At Fort Bragg a company of soldiers was stationed to bring Indians to the reservation, and to keep peace among those already there. They had not only to go out and bring in the Indians from new localities, but also to return run-aways to the reservation. In addition to those already inhabiting the country in the neighborhood of the reservation, Indians were brought in from various more distant

― 48 ―

points,Captain H. L. Ford, after stating that since June, 1856, he had been in charge of the Mendocino reservation, says: "When I first went there, there were two or three hundred Indians who claimed that as their home; they were called Chebal-na-poma, Chedil-na-Poma, and Camebell-Poma; since I went there two hundred and fifty Calle-Nameras were moved there from the vicinity of Bodega, and they are all there yet; two hundred and forty Wappo Indians were moved there from Russian River Valley, from the vicinity of Fitch's ranch; one hundred and eighty were moved from Rancheria Valley, near Anderson Valley; upwards of two hundred were moved from Ukiah Valley; sixty Indians were moved from near the mouth of Sulphur Creek—all these Indians were tame Indians; upwards of three hundred wild Indians, called Yosul-Pomas, came in of their own accord; some time in the winter of one thousand eight hundred and fifty-nine, General Kibbe sent two hundred of the Redwood Indians from Humboldt County; of that number one hundred and eight were sent by order of Superintendent Henley to San Francisco; fifty-seven of those Indians are on the reservation now, the rest have run away. During the past summer months I have received from the officers of Gen. Kibbe and Capt. Jarboe one thousand and seven Indians; these are from Pitt River, Hot Creek, Butte Creek, and Feather River; those received from Jarboe are all from the vicinity of Eel River and Round Valley; they number about two hundred and nine or ten." State of California Legislature—Majority and Minority Reports of the Special Joint Committee on the Mendocino War, 1860; Deposition of H. L. Ford; taken February 22, 1860, pp. 15, 16. with the result that former enemies were brought into close contact, and the agent was often obliged to use his authority and even to call in the soldiers to prevent hostilities among them. Some attempt was made at farming and at educating the Indians; but from the accounts, both writtenG. Bailey, Special Agent Interior Department, reports, November 4, 1858, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, as follows: "Notwithstanding these natural advantages the reservation has not thriven. There are but few Indians upon it, seven hundred and twenty-two according to the statement of the sub-agent in charge, and a great majority of these could in no wise be distinguished from their wild brethren. The whole place has an effete decayed look that is most disheartening. I saw it, it is true, at an unfavorable season of the year, but there were unmistakable indications everywhere that whether considered as a means of civilization, or as purely eleemosynary, the system as tried here is a failure." Rep. Com. Ind. Affairs, for 1858, p. 301. In Alley, Bowen and Company's History of Mendocino County the authors, after some observations concerning reservations in general, say: "In the reservation under consideration, out of twenty-four thousand acres included in its limits, there were not that many hundred that were arable. No progress worth speaking of was made in the way of farming. A few acres were planted, and if the cattle and other stock were kept off, a small crop was grown, but it never was of any advantage to the Indians." History of Mendocino County, California, p. 170; Alley, Bowen & Co., San Francisco, 1880. Concerning California reservations in general, J. Ross Browne published an article in Harper's Magazine, for August, 1861, entitled "The Indian Reservations of California." This was reprinted in Beach's Indian Miscellany, p. 303 seq., Albany, 1877. and oral, of visitors to the reservation as well as the accounts given by early settlers and by Indians who were on the reservation at the time, there were

― 49 ―

many things left to be desired in its management and results. The reservation was discontinued in 1867.

Round Valley Reservation.

The Nome Cult Indian Farm was established, also in 1856, in Round valley in the northern part of Mendocino county. This farm was at first maintained as, in a way, a sub-station of the Nome Lackee reservation, situated about sixty miles to the north-east, and about twenty miles west of Tehama. At the Nome Cult Farm were assembled, according to reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in addition to about three thousand Yuki of the vicinity, Indians from various parts of the Sacramento valley. While the establishment was maintained as a part of the Nome Lackee reservation, it would seem that some of the meat supply of the Mendocino reservation came from this farm, the live stock being driven out over a trail which led through the valley where Cahto now stands.

In 1858 Nome Cult farm was changed to a regular reservation designated as Round Valley reservation, and about twenty-five thousand acres were set apart for reservation purposes. Various changes were made in the boundaries of the reservation until, in 1873, they were established so that a reservation of about one hundred and two thousand, one hundred and twenty acres was set apart.

At the time of the abandonment of the Mendocino reservation the majority of the Indians who had been taken from the region about Russian river and Clear lake, as also those from farther to the south, found their way back to their former homes and have remained there since. Some attempts were made to take them to the Round Valley reservation, but there are at present on the reservation only a very few from this region. These are from Little Lake valley and from Clear lake.

The Indians at Present.

Prior to the establishment of the reservations there had been, as has been seen, some settlement of this region and during the existence of the Mendocino reservation the settlement was very rapid. The result was that when the Indians returned to their former homes, after the discontinuance of the reservation, they

― 50 ―

found that their accustomed liberties were somewhat restricted. Many of the ranchers had cattle and other live stock which ranged the hills and greatly diminished the supply of wild seeds and other vegetable foods. Many of the valleys which had formerly supplied an abundance of such food were under cultivation. And with this decrease in the supply of vegetable foods went the decrease in game of all sorts. It even sometimes happened that former village sites were under cultivation and all trace of them gone. But it must not be supposed that these changes were entirely new to the Indians as they returned to their old homes after the discontinuance of the reservation, for while all the Indians were supposed to have been gathered on the reservation, this was by no means the case. There was no time when the whole population of the area was present at the reservation. Many would not go voluntarily and evaded the force sent to bring them in; and others remained on the reservation only a short time whenever the authorities succeeded in getting them there. The result was that, according to the reports of the agents in charge, it was necessary, at least during the first years of the reservation, to keep some of the soldiers constantly "gathering in" run-aways.

The settlement of the country by whites after the discontinuance of the Mendocino reservation was equally as rapid as that during its existence, with the result that the Indians found themselves more and more restricted and more and more dependent upon labor for subsistence. They early took to working for the whites in the hop and grain fields, as wood-choppers, and in various other ways, and have always gained an independent livelihood, receiving no government support as is the case with reservation Indians. They often settled on large ranches by the permission of the owners, who were usually glad to have them near to work on the ranch when needed. To a considerable extent the conditions are the same at the present time; but in a number of cases the Indians have secured small holdings of land which they own and work on a coöperative plan. In such cases they are thus much more independent than formerly. Their mode of life has been entirely changed, the habits, dress, architecture, and implements of civilization so completely replacing the aboriginal, that it is now only rarely that the latter are to be found in actual use.

Linguistics

― 51 ―

Alphabet.

The characters used to represent the various sounds found in the languages under consideration are as followsIn order to facilitate reference to them the Indian names of villages appear in italics. In such names the letters which appear in this alphabet as Roman are italicised and vice versa.:

Vowels:

a
as in father.
ā
of the same quality, but of longer duration. The macron is here used purely as a matter of convenience to distinguish a few words.
ai
as in aisle.
ē
as in obey.
e
as in met.
ī
as in machine.
i
as in pin.
ō
as in note.
o
English aw.
ū
as in rule.
u
as in put.
û
as in but.
aⁿ, aiⁿ, ōⁿ, ūⁿ, īⁿ
nasalized vowels.
A, I, U
obscure vowels.

The macron (-), except in the case of a, has been employed entirely as a means of designating the quality of vowels and is no indication of quantity.

The apostrophe (') following a vowel or consonant indicates a pronounced aspiration.

Consonants:In describing the consonants used, the following approximate positions of the tongue upon the roof of the mouth are mentioned; velar, on the rear half of the soft palate, post-palatal, on the forward half of the soft palate, medio-palatal, on the rear half of the hard palate, pre-palatal, on the forward half of the hard palate, and alveolar, on the alveolar or gingival arch. The positions of the sounds used in the various languages under consideration have, of course, thus far been determined only by observation and it is probable that when they are determined exactly by mechanical means some will be found to differ somewhat from the positions here given, depending much upon the individual speaking them.

p, b, w, m, n, y, h
as in English.

― 52 ―

k
is the symbol which has been used to represent two different sounds: the post-palatal and medio-palatal voiceless stops. It has a post-palatal position when it precedes ū, u, ō, o, û, or a; and is medio-palatal before ī, i, ē, or e.
g
is the sonant of k and its position is varied by the accompanying vowels in the same manner as that of k.
t, d
alveolar stops, voiceless and voiced respectively.
t
voiceless dental stop. In this sound the tongue very nearly approaches the interdental position and may with certain speakers even do so.
d
the voiced sound corresponding to t. This is one of the most rarely occurring sounds in Pomo. It does not occur in any of the words in the accompanying vocabularies, but is found in two or three of the names of village sites.
t·
an alveolar stop the position of which is a little farther back than t. It approximates the sound of ty, and is often distinguishable from tc only with difficulty.
d·
is the sonant of t·.
ñ
nasalized post-palatal sonant; like English ng.
x
has the sound of the Spanish jota.
g`
is the sonant of x.
c
open pre-palatal surd. The sound is similar to the English sh. The corresponding sonant, j, is never found as an individual sound, but appears frequently in the combination dj.
s, z
open alveolar consonants, voiceless and voiced respectively.

― 53 ―

s
This peculiar voiceless continuant is made by protruding the lower jaw to a very considerable extent and retracting the edges of the tongue to an almost pre-palatal position. Among the languages here treated it is only found in Moquelumnan and Wintun, and is only rarely used in either of these, particularly the latter.
f
This is the ordinary labio-dental voiceless continuant, and is one of the rarest sounds in native American languages. It is found only in two dialects of the Pomo, the Southeastern and the Northeastern, and is not much used in either. The corresponding voiced sound is not found.
l
as in English let.
L
This is a voiceless stop made with the tip of the tongue on the alveolar arch. The closure is followed by only a slight explosion, the air being allowed to escape laterally. It may have a short or long duration, depending upon the surrounding sounds. This is a comparatively rare sound in the languages under consideration and has so far been found only in Pomo, Wintun, and Moquelumnan.
l
is the sonant of L, and approximates the sound of dl. It occurs more rarely than L.
L
resembles L, except that the tongue is somewhat more retracted, and more relaxed so that there is almost no explosion as the air escapes over the sides of the tongue. The sound approximates that of hl. It is more rare in Wintun and Moquelumnan than L, and has been found also in a very few cases in Pomo.
r
pre-palatal inverted sonant.

― 54 ―

r
r with a pronounced tongue-tip trill.
tc
as in church.
ts
as in sits.
dj
as j in jury. dz, as z in adz, though not found in the vocabularies here given, does occur in Pomo.
hw
the voiceless w, as in who.

t!, t!, p!, k!, tc!, ts!, s! stressed.

Linguistic Relationships.

The basis of classification of the various peoples here under consideration is, as has been stated, entirely a linguistic one, depending on the total lexical dissimilarity of the four linguistic stocks: the Pomo, Moquelumnan, Wintun, and Yuki; and the more or less close lexical relationships of the various dialects of each stock. While the term linguistic stock or family is here used with its ordinary signification, it must be remembered that the word dialect is not used in the restricted sense which ordinarily attaches to it in speaking, for instance, of European linguistic divisions, but is used to designate any primary subdivision of a linguistic stock. In several cases in the present connection the differences between dialects are sufficient to warrant their separation into distinct languages according to customary usage in regard to European languages. The difference for instance between Southeastern or Northeastern and any of the other Pomo dialects is probably as great or greater than that existing between French and Italian or Spanish. Fully as great a difference exists between the Yukian Wappo dialect and any of the other Yukian dialects. In the present consideration of these linguistic stocks and dialects they will be treated both lexically and from the standpoint of phonetic similarity and diversity. Both these considerations will be based on the following vocabularies of two hundred and eighty-two words, in the selection of which it has been the aim to bring together words of all the ordinary parts of speech and particularly to choose words of most

― 55 ―

common occurrence and which would be most typical of the various dialects. The matters considered will therefore be the lexical relationship and the phonetic character of the dialects of the Pomo, Moquelumnan, Wintun, and Yuki languages taken separately, and finally a comparison of the general phonetic character of these four languages and also a summary of the words common to them with a discussion of the probable direction of borrowing wherever this is determinable. Since the portion of the Athapascan territory which borders the Pomo is so small, and in view of the fact that the people inhabiting it are now being investigated by Professor P. E. Goddard, this linguistic stock will be omitted from these considerations. In the consideration of the lexical relationships such very limited vocabularies as are here used are even better in some respects than more extended ones would be, as they consist principally of common root words; but in the consideration of the other two points, the phonetic character and the borrowing of words by different stocks, these vocabularies are inadequate to give entirely decisive and satisfactory results. The statements concerning these last points must, therefore, be accepted tentatively, and are given not as final facts concerning these languages, but rather as indications, shown by the vocabularies now at hand, of what will very probably be further proven when more material is available and more extended investigations along these lines are possible.

― 56 ―

Pomo
^*
Footnotes to the vocabularies will be found on page 87.

No.	English	Northern	Central	Eastern	Southern^[19]	S.Western	S.Eastern	N.Eastern
1	person	tca	tcatc	kaūk	at·at·ai	atca	ūmti-mfo	tatka
2	man	ba	baia	xak	atcai	hībaia	mafo	hibaiya, bike
3	woman	mata	mata	da	baai	īmata	xatai	dake
4	boy	kawīa-ba^[20]	kū-baia	kawī	baiyaūya	nata-hībaia^[21]	kiwī	ūla-bike
5	girl	kawīa-mata	kū-mata	daxats	mataūya	nata-īmata	biteta-kiwi	ūla-dake
6	infant	kawī	kū-lot	kūs	kawī	nata-kawi	xiwī^[22]	tcūnūc
7	old man	būsa	tcayim	būtsīke	batīai	tīlē-kin	mūtūī^[22]	būtceki
8	old woman	matēa	matūl	dakar	matīai	tīlēmen	kata^[22]	telka
9	father^[23]	a-mee	me-de	ha-rīk	a-men	a-pen	i-mek	-mee
10	mother	a-mīte	tce-de	nīxa	a-tcen	a-ten	i-cek	tca'ki
11	husband	ke-baiya^[24]	ke-baiya	wī-baile	aūke-atcai^[25]	ke-hībaia	wi-ba	-bike
12	wife	ke-mata	ke-mata	wī-dat	aūke-baai^[26]	ke-īmata	wi-da	awī-dakī
13	son	ke-kawi^[27]	ke-kū	wax-xawī	a-pagen^[28]	ke-nata-hībaia^[29]	wik-xūwi
14	daughter	ke-kawī	ke-kū	wax-daxat	kammen	ke-nata-īmata	wibax-bitet-kūwi^[29a]	fatada
15	brother (elder)	amīgi	kī-de	mex-a	a-mīgen	akin	immek
16	brother (younger)	amītīgī	ekū	dūūxats-a	ūnnan	kūn	wimdūtax	mikī-dai ?
17	sister (elder)	amide	dekī	deuk-a	a-dīgen		atxa	tiki-dai ?
18	sister (younger)	amitī	ekū	dūūxats-a	ūnnan	cōmen	imdex	deki-dai ?
19	father's brother	amitcē	tcīk-e	gex	a-batsen^[30]	batsen^[30]	imtsex	aūteki
20	mother's brother	amitsū	tcūts-e	tsets-a	a-djūtsen	tcusen	imsen	sū-dai
21	father's sister	mamūak^[30]	mamūtsak	wex-a	a-mūtsen^[30]	mūtsen^[30]	imwe
― 57 ―
22	mother's sister	amisū	cūts^[30]	cex-a	a-cūtsen^[30]	cūtsen^[30]	imkīyak
23	father's father	amība	bats-e	matīle	a-batsen	tcīkin	imbats	matce-dai^[30a]
24	mother's father	amitsa	tcats-e	kats-a	a-tcatsen	tcatsen	imtsen	tatce-dai
25	father's mother	amima	mats-e	matsa-a	a-matsen	maman	imma	matci-dai ?
26	mother's mother	amika	kats-e	g`ats-a	a-katsen	katsen	imūxa	katci-dai
27	son's son	tōmamaak	bats	harīk-a	kadeen	kaden	wīmxōt	ûntōwū
28	daughter's son	tōmakaak	tcats	harīk-a	kadeen	ke-nata	wīmxōt	ûntōwū
29	son's daughter	tōmakaak	tōmebatsak	nīk-a	kadeemen	pankin	wīmxōt	ûntōwū
30	daughter's dau.	tōmakaak	tōmetcatsak	nīk-a	kadeemen	cūt'kīmen		ûntōwū
31	white man^[31]	masan,	masan,	masan	palatcai	palatcai	xō-mfo,^[32] xō	saltūka
32	head	cina	cna	kaiya	cina	cīna	xīya	tīna
33	hair	e	e	mūsū	hee	hee	ē	hele
34	face	ūī, ūī-mō	ūī, ūī-mō	ūī, ūī-mō	hūūi, hūī'-mō	hūū-mo	ūi-xōai	hūma
35	ear	cima	cima	cīma	cīma-mō	cīma	xamantsa	cīma
36	eye	ūī	ūī	ūī	hūūī	hūūi	ūī	ūī
37	nose	la	la	lababō	hīlamda	īla	la	līmō
38	mouth	ha	ha	xatsīda	ha'bō,^[33] aha	habo, aha	xastō	ha-mō
39	tongue	ba, haba	haūba	bal	hībaa	haba	bal	hūūba
40	teeth	ō'	ō'	yaō'	hōō	hōo	ō	o
41	neck	mīya	mīya	miya	mī'īya	mīya	xōī	mocoso, hūka
42	arm	ca	ca	tsūwa	īcan, or īca	ica	xal	tcawa
43	hand	tana	tana	bī'ya	ō'tōma, tana	djōco	atan	t!oco
44	fingers	tana-tsū	tana-see	bī'ya-tsūkai	ō'tōma-se	djōco-bam	bū	k!afana, to'co
45	nails	hetc	etc	rīk	hetc	hetc	asap	hetca
46	body	cība	cba	cība	cī'ba	cība	xūba	cī'ba
― 58 ―
47	belly	kōi	wōxa	xo	ūka	ūka	xō	koi
48	breasts (female)	to	sido	sīdo	cī'do	cīdo	kōdōn	to
49	milk	to	sdo	sido	cī'do	mōlokko	kōdōn	to
50	knee	sīnō	sino	xūtūl	sīnōta	mōko	xada	cīkōnō
51	leg	cakū	cakū	caxō	būnna	cakū	xa	tītin, haio
52	foot	kama	kama	xama	kama	kama	xaman	kama
53	bone	ya	ya	hīya	īha	īya	ya	hīya
54	rib	mīsat	mīsat, msatc	mīsak	mīsai^[34]	mīsa	lōwa	tsīdīta
55	heart	xam	kam	samai	tsūkūn	ts'ūkūl	tsūkūt	tū'kan, matee
56	blood	ballai	ballai	ballai	balai^[35]	balai	ballai	tces
57	liver	cala	cala	kaLal	tcalaha	tcaLa	calal	tcala
58	lungs	talōt	cōt	cōt	bōt!	cōt	cōt
59	stomach	kamal^[35a]	mkatseda^[35b]	matcūtī	u'katsida	pītūmte	xa	kamseme
60	intestines	xamal-pa	pa-katūc	trīpa	ī'-pa	katsīda	fa, kōkmai-fa	fa
61	excrement	pa	pa	pa	apa	apa	fa	fa-hīmō
62	chief	tcakale	tcaedūl	xaxalik	atcapte	nōpōnōpō	balakawī	tatībakai
63	doctor^[36]	kōō-badōntakale	koo-dōnkale	kōō-bakiyal	maatdadūyai	kōo^[36a]	'xōwī	yōmta
64	friend	wīnawa	wī'nawa	wīnawa	hakan	k!atin	wīkela	an'tōnō
65	house	tca	tca, dja	g`a	atca	a'tca	tsa	ta
66	door	da	da	hwa	hīda	hōhwa	dawa	hawa
67	floor^[37]	xatī	tcatī	xaiyōwa	djatī	tcatī, ama-tōl	stī	tatī, amata ?
68	bed	xatī	tcatī	sīmaga	djatī	tcatī	stī	tatī
69	sweat-house^[38]	cane	cane, cene	'xōmarak	amai, amat·a	matca	hūwan	ama-ta^[38a]
70	center-pole	lō	dīlē-bana	cabē	hapte	hapte	xiyaksē	tūces
― 59 ―
71	bow	cīēmai	haicim	cūhmūi	cīīmī	cī'hmī	ōxōt	cīmī
72	arrow	tsū	tsū	batī	tsūū	hītsū	becī	tsū
73	knife	bat	bat	xaga	katca	ka'tca	katsa	kata
74	boat^[39]	cina	cna	cūna	tcūse	mūsū (raft)	xana
75	paddle	bagal	bagal	bagal	baluha	kabaLa	batsal
76	fish-spear	yahai	ca-yahai	hīyaxai	aca-tsu	napa^[40]	x-axai	ca-peya ?^[40a]
77	fish-net	baiyak	baiyak	waiyak	waiyak	waiya	wīya	waiyak
78	string	t!īk	slemat	tsasūlem	sūlemat!	sūlēma	kin	tcem
79	deer-snare	slem	badīûk	sūlem	sūlē, sileū	sūle	beke-fūyim	bece-tcem
80	rabbit-skin robe	bisil	sitī	cīts	ītcī, icī	cī, kata	tenel	cītcū
81	pipe^[41]	saxa-xabe	saka-kabe	saxa-xabe	lūdje-kabe	lūtca-kabe	xōwa-kabe^[41c]	sakū-būtī
82	tobacco	saxa	saka	saxa	kawa	kawa	tōm-kōwa	sakō
83	shell-beads	kal, kaia	talēya	catane	īwaddū	kūhnū	hūīya	kaiya-talai
84	magnesite-beads	pō, pō-kal	po^[41a]	pōl^[41b]	kabe-hatta	kabe-k!is	fōl, fōl-huīya	fo, fol
85	bead-drill	dawī-hai	diwī-hai	dawīa-xai	dawīwa-hai	kawin	makīna	tcēda
86	basket	pīka	ōnma^[42]	cadi	tcetōmai^[43]	būkal	cōkdam^[44]	fat
87	awl	ya	ya	hiya	īha	ihya, tsatī	yakida	hīya
88	burden basket	būdjī, bitcī	ptcī	būg` ū	mooi	mōo	bikī^[44d]	mū'tī
89	burden net	kibū	kibū	kibū	tcīlan	īye	caclab	tenet
90	cradle	sīka	hai-katōl	xai-katoLi	djūse	djūse	ōkol	mīhiltcoi
91	mortar basket	mitce	mtce	mītci	kolo	kolo	mītse	mītī
92	pestle	daxō	dako	dag` ōn	dōkō	dūkūl	skūn	tūkūn
93	comb	tcimilis^[44a]	tcismes	kūmilis	atcipkai	tcītcūka	tcūbūb	tūmīsa
94	mush-paddle	tōō-catūi^[44b]	tōō-bala	tōō-baLaū	balaha	baluha	balatūdon	cūt
95	sky	kalī	kalī	xalī	kalī	kalī-kabe	xelīn	kalī
― 60 ―
96	sun	da	da	la	hada	hada	da	matī-daka
97	moon	diwe-da	dūwe-da^[44c]	dūwe-la	alaca	kalaca	iwē-da	dūwe-daka
98	star	tōtōl	kaamūl	ūyaxō	kamhūn	kamōts	tsexaixūīxūī	kātaika
99	day	matci	matcī	damal	madjī	matcī	mītcil	matī
100	night	diwe	dūwe, ī'we	dūwe'na	dūwe	dūwe	iwē	dūwe
101	cloud	xaba	kaba	xabō	kabaa^[45]	kaba	kōbū	kabō
102	wind	ya	ya	hīya	īhīya	īhiya	ya	hīya
103	thunder	makīla	makela	kalī-matōtō	ma'kala	makala	kōlkōl	tīmamka
104	fog	pōt	pōt	xaba	sīnnaū^[45a]	dapo	xaba	kāba
105	rain	bicema	tce	kīke	e'tce	ī'tce	sen	cīto
106	snow	yū	yū	hūl	īûhū	ī'yū	yūl	hūyū
107	fire	hō	ho	xō	ōhō	ōho	xō	ōhō
108	smoke	saha	hō-saha	saxa	oho-sa	hō-sa	tsaxa	saha
109	ashes	nō-hō	nō	nō	hīnō	īnō	xōyanōxō	mala
110	water	xa	ka	xa	aka	aka	xa	ka
111	sand	mītcat	mtcat	taa	mītai	mīta	mitak	hīnō ?
112	earth, dirt	ma	ma	ta	amma	ama	nōxō	ama
113	earth, world	mā	mā	xai	amma	ama	mīīxo	mīt, mī'da
114	earthquake	mā-cile	mā-cweū	xai-yihek	amma-cūheū	ama-cūhweū^[46]	xanetxit	tcarararem
115	ocean^[47]	bō-xa	bō-ka	xa-batin^[47a]	mīhil-ka^[47b]	ka-mōts	lukxama	ka-tī
116	stream	bīda	pda	bīdame	bīda-ka	bīda-batel	bida	bīda
117	lake	xatū	kat	xag` acō	katūi	ka'tū	xa	katī
118	valley	xai, kakō	kakō	xag` ō	ka'kō	wicali^[48]	xō	tīdo
119	mountain	danō	danō	danō	dōnō	dōnō	kanō, kno	dōnō
― 61 ―
120	rock	kabe	kabe	xabe	ka'be	ka'be	xabē	kabe
121	obsidian	katca-kabe	katca-kabe	xag`a-xabe	dita	di'ta	kūtsa	ka'ta
122	metal	masan-kabe	kalī	masan-xag`a		djawīk	hīyēlū	ka'be
123	tree	xale	kale	xale	kale	kale	xale	kalī
124	wood	hai	hai	xai	ahai	ahai	xai	aha
125	digger pine^[49]	xale-ce	cītcōm ?	xale-ce	tcūye-kle	tcūye-kle	xōcel-xale	tūtī-kalī
126	redwood	xasīl	kasīl	xasīl	kasin	k!asil
127	white oak	tsīpa	tsapa	tsīpa	tsapa	wīyi	kabandū
128	black oak	dicī	ūcī	līcūī	yō'tcī	yūcī	xūi	mūcī
129	pepperwood	behem	behem	bēhep	bakatsa	behem	behep	pehe
130	elderberry	kitē	batī	kalūl	batiñ-kle	te-kale	katī	tīkai
131	manzanita	kaiye	kaiye	xaiye	kaiye	kaiye	xīye	ba'kai
132	redbud	millē, mūlē	kalaiya	dīsai	ahai-t!a		latīm	mībōla
133	willow (white)	kalal	kalal-nō	tsūbaha	aceklai	ceklai	ōnōp	sēko, tcūbaha
134	tule	batcō	batcō	bag`ō	batcō	batcō	ta	tebe
135	angelica	batcōa	batcoa	bakō	batcōha		ōme	kinkut
136	medicine	wenō	weno, kōō-cal	wenō	wenū	wenū	wene	wene
137	poison	kōo	koo	kōō	pacī	pacī	kūfīl	koo, yom
138	acorn	būdū, maa	pdū	būdū	bīdū	bīdū	būdū	maa
139	wild onion	kabai	kabai	xabai	kabat	kaba	xūbūt	kaiamūsa
140	Indian potato^[50]	bū	bū	bū	hī'bū	hībū	būn	bū
141	oat^[51]	bita-baa^[51a]	ba-bana^[51b]	simēa	cīwalīya	cīwalēla	cinīya	bōrkamūta
142	mush	tōō	too	tōō	tōo	tōo	sōō	too
143	pinole, meal	yūhū	yīhū	yūhūī	yūhū	yūhū	nūxūi	mōta
144	whiskey^[52]	ka-tcaha	ka-tcaha	xa-bīg`ō	aka-djaha	aka-pīcūdū	mūtsa-ka	ohō-ka
― 62 ―
145	meat	bīce	pice	bīce	bece	bīce	bexe	bese
146	dog	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	bōlaū-ka
147	bear	bīta	ptaka	būrakal	būtaka	būtaka	betekal	hūmū-ka^[52b]
148	grizzly bear	bīta	ptaka	būrakal^[52a]	būtaka	būtaka	betekal	hūmū-ka^[52b]
149	black bear	cīyo-bitag`al	cīyō-ptaka	cīō-būrakal	cīō-ptaka	cīō-ptakal	betekal-lūkolkoken	hūmū-ka^[52b]
150	brown bear	līma	ima	lima	mīmma	mīma	baxaibakōl-betekal	aha-hūmū-ka^[52b]
151	coyote	diwī	ī'wī	gūnūla	dōwī	dūwī	kilīwin	cūū-ka
152	panther	damōt	yamot	damōt	yamhōt!	yahmō	ldē	yamōt-ka
153	deer	bice	pce, pice	bīce	pce	bīce	bike	bīce
154	antler	a	a	a	haa	haa	a	a
155	elk	kasīzi	kasīzī	bōō	kaīsī^[53]	k!asīzī	lōkōya	bōō-ka
156	jackrabbit	cakōdō	mag`ala	mōhya	amala	amala	mōya	makala-ka
157	raccoon	kadūs	kadūs	xaLūs	kadūs	ka'dūs	xūlūs	kamateta-ka
158	horse^[54]	kawaiyo	kawaiyū	kawaiyū	kawaiyū	kawaiyū	kawai	kawaiyū
159	cattle^[54]	paka	paka	paka	paka	kūlwet	paka
160	bird	tsīta	ta	tsīya	tsīta	tsī'ta	tsūta	tcīt-ka
161	condor	sūl	sūl	sūl	īsūn	īsūl	sūl	hūisūrū-ka
162	bald eagle	cai	cai	cai	otī	pa'tcan	batsalūwin	hītai-ka
163	golden eagle	cai	cai	cai	otī	tsūkūl (?)	xen	kaihītai-ka
164	hawk (w. redtail)	tcīya, tata?	tata?	kīya, tata?	tcīya	tc!īya	k!ūya	tcīya-ka, sa-hoL
165	owl (great horned)	tsīkinī	makūgū	matsīgīri	mūtcūdū	mūtūtū	tcitklīwin	matūrū-ka
166	buzzard	kūwēna	tcitcī^[54a]	xūkī	djōtcī	djūtci	mata	līmūsarañ-ka^[54b]
167	duck (mallard)	kaiyan	kaiyan	xaiyan	k!aian	k!aiyal	k!aiyan	kaia-ka
― 63 ―
168	quail (valley)	cakaka	cakaka	cag`ax	cakaga	cakaka	xak	sakaka-ka
169	meadow-lark	djicīl	djicil	xūcīli	yocin	hatakali	kiīl
170	bluejay (valley)	tsai	tsai	tsai	tsaiyi	tsawala	tsaitsai	tcaiīt-ka^[54c]
171	crow	kaai	kaai	kaai	kaai	kaai
172	blackbird	bilīya	tsilī	tsūLi	ts!ōlī	tcamtata	kaafal	mūlatsait-ka^[54b] cūpa
173	hummingbird	tsūdūyūn	tsūdūyūn	tsūdīūn	tūle	tūle	kilī
174	yellowhammer	batsīya	katsīya	tīyal	kōtcīyō^[55]	kotcīya	būkōtat	kawalkawal-ka
175	red-h. woodpecker	kata	katak	karatc	katak	kata	xalatsats	karatca-ka
176	mud-hen	katsīya	katsīya	xatsīya	tsitasca^[56]	tsītakilī	katsit	Lalkatcit
177	turtle	kawīna	kawīna	kanadīhwa	kawana	kawīna	xawīlin
178	frog	tsawatak	tsawatak	mītsekara-xawō^[56a]	watak	wata	faxats	watak
179	salamander	cakawōlō	cakawōLo	masan-kalits	pacikwala	pacīkōwala	maxatnel	cūūt-ka?
180	rattlesnake	mitī	bakōya	xas	mō'tī	mūtī		sūūt-ka?
181	fish	ca	ca	ca	aca	aca	xa	ca, sa
182	salmon	dika-ca	cameū-ca	dūkīna-ca	maka	maka	nūxa?	satūkūn-ka
183	trout	ca-lawem	lawem	malax	lēwin	lēwin	nūxa	nes
184	mussel	xal	kaū	hwilmai	nōko	nōk!o
185	abaloni	tem	k!ac	canama	dūkac	dūkac
186	clam	kako	lakō	laxō	kate^[57]	k!ata	lūk	ka'la
187	louse	tcī	tcī	gī	atcī	a'tcī	kalīūtciū	tī-ka
188	flea	ēmala	mala	beremal	ēmēla	īmēla	mīl	tūtūnū-ka
189	mosquito	tsamō-bītamta	tsumūl	dūladūla	malala	kotai	yūbe	ahakōlōi-ka
190	grasshopper	cakō	cakō	cag`ō	cakō	ca'ko	xkōt	sakō-ka
― 64 ―
191	yellowjacket	tcōō	tcōo	xalō	tcōo	djōo	kōōl	toō-ka
192	butterfly	kacaicai, ūīto	līlawa	xacaicai	alanta	tsa'da	sīlaxōtai
193	white	kale	kale	pītaū	kaLe	ka'Le	tōtōk	taiya
194	black	katse	k!lī	kīlīkkīlīk	ca'ka	k!īli	lūkōlkōkin	tcekel
195	red^[56b]	t!as	t!as	kēdakēdak	hata	k!is	tantankin	tcabar
196	striped	datōī	cket	tōrōtōrōk	djo'tī	dakatī?	ōxōxōn	tī?
197	large	matō,	bate	baten, tī	bate	ba'te	batenek	tē
198	small	bitcū	kūts	kūtc	kītcidū	kawī	kūtsin	tūya
199	good	kidī	kadī	kūdī	kōdī	kōdi	tsama	kūdi
200	bad	tīic	baset	nis	katītcaū	pīcūdū	tsinakōtai	tcakman
201	stinking	mice^[58]	mceū	mice^[53]	meceū	miceū, to'	mixet	meceū
202	sweet	kidī-kata	kadī-mceū	kerēsūp-kata	kōdi-bītaū	tūītū	maxaiīt	kūdi tcūmūt
203	bitter	tcaha	djaha	bīkō	djaha	tcaha	matsakit	taha, aiyiki
204	dead	tca-kala	tca-kala	xaūk-mūdal	a't·ōd·īyai	tcōyī	xalal	mūkaūka
205	long	kōl	kōl	bagil	a'kōn	a'kōl	bitsilin	kol
206	short	kapōc	kapūc	būūtc	bōto	bī'te	xōtūxī	kūlūi
207	round	tcadōl	tcdōtcōtc	tcōdōtcōdōk	lū'pū	pololo	būnbūnkin	tūdūc, mīkalmi
208	I	a	a	ha	aa	a	a
209	my	ke	ke	wax	aūke	keemū	wībax
210	thou	ma	ma	ma	ama	ma	ma
211	thy	mi	mke	mībax	meke	mīkee		mīt?
212	he	mū	mūl	mīp	hamū	mūkin?	ūyī
213	his	mū-wa	mū-ke	mīp-ībax	hamū-bake	mūkin	īt-bax	hamūt
214	she	man	mūl	mīt	haman	man	ī-bitet
215	hers	mada	mū-ke	mīrī-bax	hama-dake	mada-ke, man	emdit-bax	hamat
― 65 ―
216	we		ya	wa	aya	ya	wī
217	our		ya-ke	wai-bax	aya-ke	ya-ke
218	they		mūtīya	bek	hamūtcakan		emlai
219	their	mi	mūtīya-ket	bēk-ībax	kamūtcōkōn-djōkēwa		emlai-itbax
220	north^[58n]	djūhūla	tcūla	gūhūla	djūhūla	djūhūla	tsadūwa	tūhūl
221	east	cō	cō	cō	acō	acō	xamal	cō
222	south	yō	yō	yō	īyōgō	mīhīla	xōnōxana	mīhīl
223	west	bō	bō	bō	mīhīla	mīhīlū	ana	bo
224	up	ūyi	ūyūl	kaiyū	kalī^[58h]	kalī^[58h]	kūyī	danōwī, tinali
225	down	yō	yō	yō	amaihō	amayō	mat	malī?, miyawe
226	no	ayī	tcō	kūyi	te	da	xe	malantō
227	yes	ē, heū	e	e	hīyō	hūū	ī	o, ī
228	one	tca	tato	kali	tc!aa^[58a]	kū	dan^[58e]	tcakī
229	two	kō	ko	xōtc	akō	ko	xōs	koon
230	three	sūbū	sībo	xōmka	mīsībo	sībo	xōxat	kūtc!aka
231	four	tak	dūōko	dol	mī'tca	mītca	dakō	kalkōōtōn
232	five	cal	natsūī	lēma	tūco	tūco	talkō	tc!aūcōn
233	six	tsadi	tsadi	tsadi	lantca	lan'tca	xōwalōxat	tcadēīka
234	seven	kōba	kōina	xūlaxōts	latkō	lan'ko	sebaita^[58c]	tcūmalan
235	eight	kōkōdō	kōkōdol	kōkadōl	kōmtca	kōmtca	danwidi^[58d]	ceLawītca^[58i]
236	nine	kōwal-cōm	namilka-cōm	hadagal-cūm	tcatcō	tcatcō	xūt-pasem	ma'kata^[58j]
237	ten	kōwal-tek	namilka-tek	hadagal-tek	tcacûtō	tcacōtō	pasem	ceLawī-tcaki^[58i]
238	eleven^[58b]	kōwal-na-tca	namilka-na-tatō	hadagal-na-kalī	nan-tca	nan-tca	pasem-ke-dan	kat-tcakī
― 66 ―
239	twelve	kōwal-na-kō	namilka-na-ko	hadagal-na-xōtc	nañ-kō	na-ko	pasem-ke-xōs	kat-kōōkai
240	thirteen	kōwal-na-sūbū	namilka-na-sībo	hadagal-na-xōmka	nan-sībo	na-sībo	pasem-ke-xoxat	kat-kūtcaka
241	fourteen	kōmat-cōm	kōmat-com	xōmkamar-cōm	sīhma-cōn	sīhma-cōn	pasem-ke-dakō	kat-kalkōōtō
242	fifteen	kōmat-tek	kōmat-tek	xōmkamar-tek	sīhma-tik	sīhma-tek	pasem-ke-talkō	tcakī?
243	sixteen	kōmat-na-tca	kōmat-na-tat	xōmkamar-na-kali	sīhma-nan-tca	sīhma-nan-tca	pasem-ke-xōwalō-xot	kōōkai?
244	seventeen	kōmat-na-kō	kōmat-na-ko	xōmkamar-na-xōtc	sīhma-nañ-kō	sīhma-na-ko	pasem-ke-serpateta	kūtcaka?
245	eighteen	kōmat-na-sūbū	kōmat-na-sībo	xōmkamar-na-xōmka	sīhma-nan-sībo	sīhma-na-sībo	pasem-ke-panamūsta	kalkōōtkai?
246	nineteen	tcahma-cōm	tcahma-cōm	xaidīlēma-cōm	tcahma-cōn	tcahma-cōn	pasem-ke-xūt-pacem	tcaūsū?
247	twenty	tcahma-tek	tcahma-tek	xaidīlēma-tek	tcahma-tik	tcahma	etekai	tcadēīka?
248	twenty-one	tcahma-na-tca	tcahma-na-tat	xaidīlēma-na-kalī	tcahma-nan-tca	tcahma-nan-tca	etekai-ke-dan
249	to twenty-nine^[58k]	(regular)	(regular)	(regular)	(regular)	(regular)	(regular)
250	twenty-nine	nanakōwal-cōm	nanamilka-cōm	nahadagal-cōm	lantcahma-cōn	lantcahma-cōn
251	thirty	nanakōwal-tek	nanamilka-tek	nahadagal	lantcahma	lantcahma	xōxōlōmai
252	forty	kō-te	ko-te	xōts-a-xai	tca-hai	kū-hai	dan-a-xōts	koyī tcaka-mat?
253	fifty	kōwali-sūbū-te	namilkawī-sībo-te	hadagal-e-xōmka-xai	tūcō-hai	cōtō-hma	talko-tal-pacem
― 67 ―
254	sixty	sūbū-te	sībo-te	xōmka-xai	lantca-cûtō	sihmak-tcīdū	xōwalka-tal-pacem	kūtcaii tcaka-mat?
255	seventy	nakōwale-ta-te	namilka-wi-dūōko-hai	hadagal-ai-dol-a-xai	latkō-cûtō	sīhmak-tcīdū-tcacōtō	serpatēta-tal-pacem^[58f]
256	eighty	ta-te, tak-hai	dūōko-hai	dōl-a-xai	kōmtca-cûtō	ko-hai	danwi-tal-pacem^[58g]
257	ninety	nakōwali-cal-hai	namilkawī-natsūī-hai	hadagal-ai-lēma-xai	tcatcō-cûtō	ko-hai-tcacōtōko	xūt-pacem-tal-pacem
258	one hundred	cal-te, cal-hai	natsūī-hai	lēma-xai	tcacûtō-hai	ko-hai-tcahmakō	dan-centō^[58l]
259	two hundred	kōwal-hai	namilkatek-hai	hadagal-a-xai	akō-hai	ko-sentū	xōs-centō
260	eat	maamaa	kawan	gūhū	djūhū	bīmūtcīdū	kawamaaka	maarība, mamtī
261	drink	kōtcim	kōtcim	xōxūn	hōkōi	kōtcī	bītsakidit	kotība
262	run	tca	tcak	kak	katan	mobī	xawaka	dīwītī
263	dance	mane	menīū	xai-xim	maneū,	manē,	xe-mfōm	menera
264	sing	ke-ben	ke-tcanō	xai-nem	īhmin	koō-tcanō	xe-kōlne	batcoya
265	whistle	picūt	pcūt	pūxamk	lībū-tin	lībū-tadu	mpūmpūkit	macūmacū^[58m]
266	shake	yagēyage	cīyūcīyū	yekēyekē	ītataū	cūhwēn	netnetkit^[59]	tcererem^[59b]
267	sleep	sīmamīti	sūmamtīū	sīmanek	sīmamitiū	sīmaka	kanakit	cīmaka
268	awaken	kaman	kamam	mawōk	pītcōī	waiyītci^[59a]	mōtskī	mata
269	see	tcadīn	pūwin	kūta	tcadū	cītadū	tcido	taan
270	like	daadī	dawa	mara	hūdaū	dawētō	'xatsit	kamantū
271	angry	kamat	kamale	tsarīk	kahmatī	kahma	būeltsit	p!etene
272	strike	pabatcen	tōctciū	pacōt	dokō^[60]	panem	kūtsokit	topolon
273	fight	dībēmū	kadētc	kilmahwak	mīhyanhmūi	dūkūmū	tsimkōlit	benemūn
274	shoot	tcōk	djok	xōx	ī'tcōk	djo	buxuxat	tokon
― 68 ―
275	kill	tcaban	kūm	cak	mihyanaū	pakūm	mōdōkat	k!amanan
276	sit	tcumatcim	ītcatcim	xaxim	tcatciū	djatcī	matsa	cilīma
277	stand	tōtcim	tca-tōtcim	kōpxun	djōtcōn	tethma	mōktōka	tawīta
278	lie (lay)	mītī	mtī	xanamēragī	mītīū	mītītci	matmitī	tcamta
279	give	dīkam	dakam	dīaxa	dī'kaū	dī'ka, yō	hōxat	hora, tōtca
280	laugh	mītsel	cōwai	kūwai	ūtawan	tcūwaiyadū	ke	wecemen
281	cry	mina	mīnwan	maxarma	mīmai	katca	xakit	katcat
282	shout	bītcūlin	ptcūl	sī-bakak	bītcūn	bītcūl	mōkōka	matōya

Moquelumnan. Yuki.

No.	English	Western	Southern	Northern	Wappo	Huchnom	Yuki^[67]	Coast
1	person	ūlamītca?	mītcakō	xōtsaxō	on-ūcīi	a'te-caai	at·at	a'tet>
2	man	tai	taiyis	tai	k'eū	iwap †	īwAp	iwUp
3	woman	kūlēyī	kūlēyis	pōtsi	mete,	mūsp	mūsp	musp
4	boy	hēna	henas	hēna-pūtū	pōlle	iwIpetc†	īpsak	tcintcets
5	girl	koya	kōya	kōla-putu	tcalis	mūspe	musak	mus-tcintcets
6	infant	ūtī	ūtī	pūtū	ekaiyi^[67a]	sak!	sak	tcintcets
7	old man	ōīyī	ōyis	nawa	onatcewis	ōhot.	iwot	olwīs
8	old woman	kūyēyī	pōtcis^[60a]	hūkūyū	metenatcewis	ot	ot	musp'ot
9	father^[23]	apī	apī	apī	aya	ūñ-kū	añ-k'un
10	mother	ûnû	ūnû	ûnû	ī-naa	ūñ-ka	añ-k'an
11	husband	amta	amta	mīū	ī-eū	i-na	it-iwap^*
12	wife	kūle	kūle	kūle	ī-mīsī	e'mūsp	it-musp^*
― 69 ―
13	son	kaai	taiicēai	elai	ī-eka	kelka	antcatka^*
14	daughter	kaai	tūne	elai	ī-ekapī	kelka	-kēle ^*
15	brother (elder)	ata	ata	ata	ī-ēpa	ī-ca	-k'itc
16	brother (younger)	kaamū	ēamū	ēla, īlūmū	ī-yaū	úñ-ke	-la'n
17	sister (elder)	wōko	wōko	ēla, īlūmū	ī-etsa	mūtca	-k'itc
18	sister (younger)	kaamū	ēamū	wōko	ī-apī	uñ-ke	-mu'n
19	father's brother	kaka	ola, tata	tata	ī-taa, ī-ōlō	ōlla, i-ca^[67c]	-kaiⁿt
20	mother's brother	kaka	kaka, eamū	xaka	ī-taa	īⁿa, uñ-keka	-kīk-an
21	father's sister	ōyatcī	enenī	enenī	ī-pōa	ī-pōtca, mūtca	kaⁿc
22	mother's sister	ōyatcī	ōlatcī	amkō	ī-newa	ûñ-ke, mūtca	naiⁿt
23	father's father	papōīyi	papa	papa	i-ōca	ī-os	-oc
24	mother's father	kahamū	papa	papa	ī-pītsa	ī-pīt	-pīt
25	father's mother	hapūtcī	hama	hama	ī-papa	ī-pop	-p'op
26	mother's mother	hapūtcī	hama	hama	ī-tīya	ī-tit	-tit
27	son's son	tcatcai	tcatco	tsatsō	ī-eec, ī-ece	ahamtca	asamtcaⁿtkaⁿ
28	daughter's son	tcatcai	kūlēictcatco	tsatso	ī-eek, īeke		ûmsaka'n^*
29	son's daughter	tcatcai	tcatco	tsatsō	ī-ece	mūtca?	asamtcaⁿtkaⁿ
30	daughter's dau.	tcatcai	tcatco	tsatsō	ī-eke		-kûⁿs^*
31	white man^[31]	tōtai	pōtōlakō^[60b]	ūtelkō	lai	kūt' †	hulk'ilal	hīlike
32	head	mōlū	mōlū	Lūbūddūk	hū	nūn	nan	nen
33	hair	mōlū-ñkatcten	kōlē-mōlū	sapa	t!ōl	tol	t'ol	t'ol
34	face	ōnnī	ōnnī	ōnnī	hu	hūlyo	hulyo	hūlyo^*
35	ear	alōk	alōk	alōk	tsema	cum	cam	cem^*
36	eye	sût	sūt	sūt	hūtsī	hūl	hul	hul
37	nose	hūk	hūk	hūk	cīma	huⁿtel	hon-til	hen'til
― 70 ―
38	mouth	lakūm	lakūm	lūppe	nan	nūⁿhūn	na'han	nehen
39	tongue	lemtep	lemtip	letīp	naatse	numlaan	nomlat	nemlatem
40	teeth	gût	kût, gût	gût	ca	saⁿk	saⁿk	se'k
41	neck	helēke	heleke	helēkī	hōaits^[67b]	aⁿcel	aⁿcil	e'cil
42	arm	talīk	taūlī^[60c]	taūlik	laka	hoⁿs	haⁿs	he's
43	hand	ûkū	ūkūs	ūkū	me	mīpa	mi'pat	ma'pat
44	fingers	ūkū	ūkūs	kūpūm	me-hōle	mīsaū	mīsaⁿn^*	mapat-hats
45	nails	pītcī	pītcī	ti	me-tcūc	kūs	k'us	k'u's
46	body	me	me	hina	wil	cūl	cul	cul^*
47	belly		cokōp	pūlūk	k!īta	k!ep, oⁿsna	k'ip	t'u?
48	breasts (female)	mū	mū	mū	hūi	hūyī	hui	hūī^*
49	milk	ewe	ewe		hūi	hūyī	hui	hūī^*
50	knee	mōwī	mōwī	tōkōllō	taic	kank!	k'ank	k'enk
51	leg	hol	etca, hol	lōlō	t!a	tūt, meel	taⁿt, mīl^[68]	t·e't, mīil
52	foot	ko	ko, kōyo	kōllō	pe	mīpun	mipan	me'pen
53	bone	mûtcī	kūlūm	kūlūm	ts!ītī	ke't	k'īt	k'i't
54	rib	wīpik	wīpīk	hatsī	kūte	paatc!kū, hapō	hopūt^*
55	heart	wūskī	wīski	tsīdidik	hōmōtalel	t!ū	t'u
56	blood	kītcaū	kītcaū	kītsaū	nep	aⁿs!	aⁿc	es
57	liver	kûlla	kūlla	kūlla	kok	hoⁿ	hō'
58	lungs	posol	pōsōl		tcōpa^[68a]	ko'tc	k'otc
59	stomach	pūlūk	pūlūk	lebleb	tōtca, hame	aⁿspaye, uⁿsna	tcoiha'l
60	intestines		pūlūk	pōsōl	hame	ūm	om
61	excrement				djēyū	saⁿi, uñkūt	saⁿi
62	chief	hōipū	hōīpūs	hōipū	kanitcūtcuma	tīōl	tio'l	to'ol
― 71 ―
63	doctor^[36]	temnepa	wenen-apī	yōmta	yōmtō	lamcem	lamcīmī	he'timka
64	friend	ōīya	ōīamgō	ōīya	īnōk	īla, sūsel	susil^*
65	house	kōtca^[60d]	kōtca	wēyi	tcūya	hūn	han	hen
66	door	ka	ka	ka	tcūya-nan	nehen	p'īt	p'it
67	floor^[37]		kōtcanwēa^[60e]	tapla, yōwa	tcūyanan-ōtēema?	alta	kata^*
68	bed	sūya	kama, sūya	wēya	tcecma	mōmōl	nûmmol^*
69	sweat-house^[38]	lamma	lamma	lamma	hotsa	ōnahan, hûⁿpen	iwil-han^[69]	hepin
70	center-pole		kōwatala	hōipūtīya	hala	hūīkalyûk	al-hinyok^*
71	bow	konō	kōno	kōnō	lūka	liūhwa, lūwut	luwat^[69a]	liwe't
72	arrow	lanta	lanta	kiūwa	metse	kīū	kiu	k'iu
73	knife	hūlaia	hūlaiya	tsītsa	wē	lilkūs	waikūtci^*	lilpa'n
74	boat^[39]	saka	saka	nū	kēye	tetōl	utatûmol^*	alt'al
75	paddle	wīak	kapīl^[60f]	ōlak	wōlic	ūktcamul	wotûmol^*
76	fish-spear	yasūm	elēwelante	hōtsa	ewē	sēsaⁿ	cīcût^*
77	fish-net	pūle	ūyūl, aitī	tsawa	pui	mōhol	tolkol^*
78	string	kattcen	kattcen	cūtsa	tetī	tēt	tit
79	deer-snare	kattcen	kattcen	lawek	leūma	min-tēt, taste	tas^*
80	rabbit-skin robe	kūlī	sīmak, hūli	Lūkai	tsītsa	sīpak	atc^*
81	pipe^[41]	sūgūlūpū	sūmki	cūmkit-tūmai	lūtce-lel^[70]	wōīmel-al	woyol-al	woimil-lil
82	tobacco	kaiyaū	kaiyaū	kaiyaū	lūtce	waīmeel	woyol	woimi'l
83	shell-beads	pispī	kūta, pispī	hūya	tūpūlū	hūⁿs	hoⁿso^n*
84	magnesite-beads	tcūpūta	tcūpūta^[60g]	awahūya	leltsīpe	ce'p	cīp
85	bead-drill	sītak	sītaka		tsīsehōl	ketcī, hūlmō	hūlûmo'l
86	basket	ēwī?	ewī	ōlūt	taka	tūk, lawe	t'ūk^[71]	tc'uli
― 72 ―
87	awl	lūsaya	mōōī, sutaya	hūtik	tsītī	ket	k'īt
88	burden basket	tīka	tīka	tīka	hēma	to', hom	t·ot'
89	burden net	lūke	lūke	lūke	taka	milis-hom	hom^*
90	cradle	saka	saka	tūnūk	kēye	alwil	alwil^*
91	mortar basket		pōtī	xawī	k!awi	kol	k'ol
92	pestle	pa	paiya, pa	tōwai	tc!ōla	kolum	k'ol-amt
93	comb	yatcek	sōnēk	lawine	cōtisma	titûmūl	tutûmo'l^*
94	mush-paddle		wīwil^[60h]	ōlak	wōlichō	hōpū	hotpūtc^*
95	sky	līle	līle	katsakatsa	tūyūwela	met	mīt	mi't
96	sun	hī	hī	hī, hintaka	hin	pīlat	pilaⁿt	pile't
97	moon	pūlūlūk	pūlūlūk	kūmēnawa	ūtcīhīn	lackawol	lack'awol	lack'ewel
98	star	hitī	hitīs	tōle	soka	mamtcīpoⁿs	mantcipas	nixtcips
99	day	hī	hīana	hī	hintū	ī'nai	inaiⁿ	i'nei
100	night	kawūl	kawûl	kawūl	ūtcūwa	sūm	naⁿk	sem
101	cloud	īlaū	īlaū, yakal	mōlpō	tsūm	īp, ōnwūL	īp	po'tit
102	wind	kīwel	hena, kīwel	hena	ceī	punts!	p'ans
103	thunder	talawa	talawa	talawa	laihyaka	aⁿlamol†	anlamol
104	fog	sūke	sūke	mītspa	pohī	onwal, tcūk	olwan
105	rain	ūpa	ūpa	ūpa	mak	kamūtcem	t'um
106	snow	yawem	yawem^[60i]	tana	pīl	pel	pīl
107	fire	wûkī	wûkī	wīkī	hel	yehum	yim, yīkam	yi'kim
108	smoke	kal	kal	kal	tsīn	wōyem	woyam	woyem
109	ashes	yemī	yemī	wīlōk	hel-pī-pōl	po't'il †	p'ootil	on-p'ot'il
110	water	līwa	kīk, liwa	kīk	mēi	ūk!	ūk, u	uk'
111	sand	sūkūi	sūkūi	sūkūi	nūī	nutc!	nu, nu-itc	nu'tc
― 73 ―
112	earth, dirt	yōa	yōa	yōwa	tsō	ōn	on	on
113	earth, world	wēa	wēa	wallī	ōma	ōn	on	on
114	earthquake		wēa-nowīt	hiūwa	ōmō-mehīūsele	ōn-yūī	on-yūmte^*
115	ocean^[47]	olok	olok^[61a]	pōlpōl	laihmē	ūk-hot	ūk-hot	ukoxt
116	stream	tcok	tcok	wūwe	ētcō, etcū	mol	maⁿl	mel
117	lake	pūlok	pūlok	pōlpōl	mē-lele^[72]	laltē	la'l
118	valley	loklo	lokla	lōklō	tūl, lele^[73]	ūkum	on-kat^[74]
119	mountain	paiyī	paiyis	pawī	mōta	tetam	tītam	on-yak
120	rock	lûppū	lüpû	lūpû	lel	lil	lil	lil
121	obsidian	tcītca	tcītca	tsītsa	wē	wai	kītcil ^*
122	metal	tcawīk		hīēlū		līl-ūmps	lil ^*
123	tree	alwa	alwas	alwa	hol	o'l †	ol
124	wood	tūmai	tūmai	tūmai	hol	al	al	al
125	digger pine^[49]			canak	naiō	pō-hme	palkam-ol^[75]
126	redwood	lūme	tc!ōle		tso-hol	odelhoⁿtem	ol-kōtûm ^*	oloxtem
127	white oak		ûlikī	mūle	pīpō	mēli	mili
128	black oak	kōtīn	kōtis	ūte	kotic	mam	mam
129	pepperwood	lūpeli	saūlas	caūla	djūce	po'me	pokam-ol
130	elderberry	toktola		aⁿtaiye	kate	wankīwe	kiwi-ol
131	manzanita	eyi	tsilaka	ēyi	tcanō	kūtc	kūtc
132	redbud				hol-paie	tcahai	tc'ahe
133	willow (white)		kaiye	aiye	tsawō^[75a]	cīpe	cip	cipe
134	tule	loko	sappa	kōl	cōne	son	saūn
135	angelica	hūtūlī	hūtūlī	hūtulī	kūpis	tcehen	tcintcal
136	medicine	wene	wene		wenū	kinkū
― 74 ―
137	poison	patca	patca	haūwī	tōhma	e'wel	iwil
138	acorn	ūmpa	ūmpa	waiya	mel	kawōl	laⁿl
139	wild onion	pūtcū	pūkala	pūtsū	tsīpe	cēp	mīs
140	Indian potato^[50]	wala	wala	wala	awe	alē	alitc	aleitc
141	oat^[51]		sīwalīya	ciniya	cīwalīye	wūckankle	wûcitkaletc^*
142	mush	ûlkī	ūliki	ûlkī	yeke	kot	hot^*
143	pinole, meal	ūskūn	ūskūī	ūskūn	wate	wot!	wot
144	whiskey^[52]	ūmū-līwa	ōmū-līwa	xaixaig`ik	mēcata	ūkwet	yikam-ūk^*
145	meat	tcoyeke	kesūm	sūki	kecū	mil	mil
146	dog	haiyūsa	haiyūsa		haiyū	haⁿwūce	atwaⁿcit	heⁿwicet'
147	bear	kūle	kūle	kūle	tsītsa^[76]	wuckane	naⁿyam	u'mes
148	grizzly bear	kūle	kūle	kūle	tsītsa-kaiil^[76a]	wūckane^[76b]	waⁿcit	tip'et
149	black bear	lokota-kūle	mūlūta-kūle	mūlūmūlū-kūle	tsītsa-tsōwe	ūmase	wacit-cīk^*
150	brown bear		līme-kūle	awaawa-kūle	tsītsa-pōt	alhōptoⁿhmōl	noyam^*
151	coyote	ōye	ōye	ōle	hūt!	wūce	hulk'oi	up'ui
152	panther		ūpūkso	ūpūkse	k!atama	k!amol	k'amol	k'am'el
153	deer	tcōyeke	kesūm-ala-kesūm	sūki	k!ecū	mile	mīl	mil
154	antler	kīlli	kīlli	kīlli	pīce^[77]	mil-hine	hin
155	elk		tante	tamehūlīla	tsotōkō	mīlaūtehen	mil-on-tit-am	moloxtixtem
156	jackrabbit	tcamī	aūle	tsamī	yenic	tcalkōle	lopis	cu'-yim-kol^[78]
157	raccoon	tūse	hūmeke	tūte	tīka	camam	camam	cawem
158	horse^[54]			ōpōīnī	kawaiyū	kawaiyū	kawaiyū	kaviyū
159	cattle			paka	paka	paka	paka	bāka
160	bird	mēye	mēye	mele	tsītsa^[76]	tcēme	tc'īmit
― 75 ―
161	condor	mōlok	mōlok	mōlok	tsūts	pal	pal
162	bald eagle	līlemele	lōpōkai	tsalwin	awēkōhma	kūskaūle	sa?^*
163	golden eagle		līnenmele	sūīyū	lepitc	sa'	sa'
164	hawk (w. redtail)	limhûna	walīnapi	hûlhûl	cek	sahōl	sahol^*
165	owl (great horned)	tūkūlī	tūkūlis	tūkūlī	hūtūkūlū	me'kūle	mink'ut'a
166	buzzard	ōyēkēya	ekēya	hūs	maiata	aiyūm	ayam
167	duck (mallard)	watmal	walek	watmai	kaiya, gat	sūus	su's	sūs
168	quail (valley)	sokotok	kekekai	tsōkōkō	pīpī	tūlēcē	tuulic
169	meadow-lark	hūlūma		hūyūma	witsīlū	kūtcmool	huntcmol
170	bluejay (valley)	saiyītc	saiyītc	caiyīts	tsai	tcoⁿī	tc'aiⁿ	tc'ei
171	crow	kagalī	kakalis	kakalī	kakōtī	hantcaⁿam	hantcam	hentcem
172	blackbird	tcapil	djapil	tsakatū	tcak	cīpam	cup	cipo
173	hummingbird	kūlup'pī			tsīmīto	tcēye	tcīyi
174	yellowhammer	ōyewōlōlōk	wolōlak	tsiyak	tsūi	moimol	woi'mol
175	red-h. woodpecker	panak	palatcak	panak	palitc	aⁿsīyūm	ûⁿsīam^*
176	mud-hen	toskoi	tōtī	tōLōk	mē-tsītsa	ūktcai	ūūtcûⁿi^*
177	turtle	melēya	melēya	melēya	mītci	soⁿpa	sop
178	frog	kotola	kotola	kōlōlō	katek	ota	ot.	ot'e
179	salamander	sikawa	kotōkōwai	tsaiakamen	tsematūltūk	ūsaūt!īyam	ūūsûtin^*
180	rattlesnake	kutakwakaklai	ūkūlis	hōlōmai	tcepic	pōi	lil-na'han	b'e'i
181	fish	elēwi	lota	kats	eū	sū-itc†	su-itc
182	salmon	kasī	kasi	kassi	melkaū	haⁿwaⁿ†	haⁿwe	hewe
183	trout	lēwim	tōlo	hūl	ōmem	mulhaam	malam	melwis
184	mussel	napagi	napagi		kūtcic	nōk	naⁿk'-cil
185	abaloni	awōk	awūk		hīle	potûm	paaⁿt-am
― 76 ―
186	clam	kūta	kūta		kūta	hūⁿsnōcil	hûslawe^*
187	louse	ket	tcūpsi	ket	hī	īk	īk	ik'e
188	flea	kûkû	kūkūs	kûkû	tcōte	t!ok	t'ok	t'ok
189	mosquito	soiyō	soiyō	sōiyō	stot	tcōōptcale	tcōptcalû^*
190	grasshopper	kotok	koto	kōtō	tsī	latcoam	latcam	lātc'em
191	yellowjacket	menanī	menanī	mēnanī	neū	naaū	naam^*	naan
192	butterfly	kītīlak	kītīlyas		tselekape	palpool	palkool^*
193	white	potōta	pōtōla	tsetaū	k!aiel	tcal	tc'al	tc'al
194	black	lōkota	mūlūta	mūlūmūlū	tsōwe	cek	ciik	cik
195	red	kītcūlū	ūlūta	awaawa	tsīpe	tūī	aⁿs-itc,^[79] t'u'i	e's-itc
196	striped	watce			cōtic	noyūm	k'il-am
197	large	ōmotak	ûnūni	ûdi	tūtca	hot	hot.	ho't
198	small	ūmūtce	ūti	kūcci	kūtiya	olsel	un'cil	olsel
199	good	tōwī	tōwis	emēne	hūcīīya	tat	tat	tat
200	bad	ōmū	ōmū	ōbū	ūwa	katcem	haⁿkotc	katcim
201	stinking	hūkū		hūkū	kūlake	kīn	kaiⁿ
202	sweet	kōīyūp	kawatcū	kōikōi	kawatcū	coⁿtuī	hūcī
203	bitter	kaikai	kaikai	tsūmtsūm	cata	wet	wit
204	dead	tūlaūhwamītca		yōxōtsa	tcōel	atakōlat	kolistek^*	hulkelel^[81]
205	long	kawai	enyak	edak	k!ena	kaiyī	kaiⁿ
206	short	tōnūkū	nyōtī	tsōtōi	mīte	pūhetc	pūhitc
207	round	poolo		pōwōlō	napōlīs	pokoiyihe	paletc^*
208	I	kannī	kanni	kannī	ī, a	epe†	aⁿp, aⁿpel	epe
209	my	ka-hintē	ku-tec	ka-hinte	īme	ete†	itin	i't
210	thou	mī			mī	me†	mi	mi
― 77 ―
211	thy	ūn-hinte	ūn-teh		mi†, mīme	me†	mīt	mi't
212	he	īti	itī	i	tsepī	ke	kī, ka^[81a]	kī^[81a]
213	his	ūs-hinte	nōn-tec	ītī-hinte	teme	me	kīat^[82]
214	she	(he)	(he)	(he)	(he)		(he)
215	hers	(his)		(his)	(his)		(his)
216	we	ma			īsī^[85]	us†	ūs,mī^[83]	ūs
217	our	ma-hinte			īsame	usa†	usat,mīat^[84]	mīet
218	they	īkōm			tsekōtō	māase^[82]	ki-mase^[82]	māase
219	their	īko-hinte			tsekōtōme		ki-macat^[82]
220	north	kanī	kanwin	kanin	mūtī	kūt!ke	k'ut
221	east	ala	hīnhine	ala	helep	ūnhalī	on-k'ol-am
222	south	ōlom, olōm	ōlōp	ōlōm-wali	wen	ūpotī	haki, on-hali
223	west	helwa	helwaia	ōlōm?	wīta	weem	ūk-hot-am^[86]
224	up	līle	līle	līle	met	kūī	mīt
225	down	hōime	hōīme	wēa	op	kūke	hūtcūk^*
226	no	hama	hūma	hella	hīⁿīⁿ	yī	taⁿ	e
227	yes	û	û	û	īⁿīⁿ	heū	hēū, aⁿ	heu
228	one	kenne	kenne	kenne	pawa	pūwe	paⁿwi	powik
229	two	osa	ossa	ōtta	hōpī	ōpe	ōpi	opIk
230	three	telēga	telēka	telēka	hōpōka	mōlme	molmi	molmIk
231	four	hūya	hūya	ōtōta	ōla	kesōpe	omahaⁿt	hilkil-ōpik
232	five	kennekū	kenekūs	kedekkō	kata	pūpūtc	huiko	poupat
233	six	patcītak	patcītak	patsadat	patēnaūk	pūtal	mikastcilki	pontIt
234	seven	sēlawī	semlawī	cemlawī	hopītēnaūk	ōpūnūn	mikasko	ōpetōt
235	eight	ōssūwa	ōsūya	ōttaia	hōpīhan	kiniūsōlnūn	paumpat^[87]	molmetIt
― 78 ―
236	nine	kennekoto	ûnūtas	kenenhēlak	pawalak	helpiso-pūwūtal	hutcampaⁿwipan	hilkilopetIt
237	ten	kītcī, gītci	kītsis	ūkūkūtsi	mahais	helpīso-hūmate	hutcam-opesul	pōpatedit
238	eleven^[58b]	kenne-wallik	kenne-līlek	kenne-wallik	mahais-pawa-lēwin	helpīso-pūwū-tek	molmisul
239	twelve	osa-wallik	ōssa-līlek	ōtta-wallik	mahais-hōpī-lēwin	helpīso-one-tek	omahaⁿtsul
240	thirteen	telēkō-wallik	telēka-līlek	teleka-wallik	māhais-pōka-lēwin	helpīso-mulme-tek	huikosul
241	fourteen	hūya-wallik	hūya-līlek	ōtōta-wallik	mahais-ōla-lēwin	helpiso-kesope-tek	mikactcilkisul
242	fifteen	kenē-kō-wallik	kenekūs-līlek	kedēkō-wallik	mahais-kata-	allaū	mikacko
243	sixteen	patcīta-kō-wallik	patcītak-līlek	patsada-ko-wallik	lēwin mahais-pate-	allaū-pūwū-tek	huicot^[88]
244	seventeen	sēlōwī-wallik	semlawī-līlek	semlawī-wallik	nauk-lēwin mahais-hōpīte-	allaū-ōpe-tek	hutcampan-wipan^[89]
245	eighteen	ossūwa-wallik	ōsūya-līlek	ōttai-wallik	naūk-lēwin mahais-hōpī-	allaū-mūlmi-tek	hutcamope-sul^[90]
246	nineteen	kenne-koto-hū-wallik	ūnūtas-līlek	kenen-hela-ko-wallik	han-lēwin mahais-pawal-	allaū-kesopī-tek	molmisul^[91a]
247	twenty	osa-gitcī	ōsa-gītcis	ōtta-tūmai	ak-lēwin		omahaⁿthuipoi
248	twenty-one	ōsa-gītcis-kenne	ōsa-gītcis-kenne	ōtta-tūmai-to-kenne
249	to twenty-nine^[58k]	(regular)	(regular)	(regular)
250	twenty-nine	(regular)	(regular)	(regular)
251	thirty	telēka-gitcī	telēka-gītcis	telēka-tōmai	pōka-hōl	miseūōp-alyō		molkeckeneclak
― 79 ―
252	forty	hūya-gitcī	hūya-gitcis	ōtōta-tomai	ōla-hōl	ōp-alyō	huicotpawa-patpoi	hilkilopkec-keneclak
253	fifty	kennekū-gitcī	kenekū-gītcis	kedekō-tōmai	kata-hōl	mīseu-molme-alyō		ponpatkec-keneclak
254	sixty	patcītak-gitcī	patcītak-gītcis	patsedak-tōmai	patēnaūk-hōl	mōlme-alyō
255	seventy	sēlōwī-gitcī	semlawī-gītcis	semlawi-tōmai	hopītēnaūk-hōl	mīseū-kesōp-alyō
256	eighty	ōsūwa-gitcī	ōsūya-gītcis	ōttaia-tōmai	hōpīhan-hōl	pūalpūalyektel
257	ninety	kenne-koto-gitcī	ûnūtas-gītcis	kenen-helak-tōmai	pawalak-hōl	mīseū-pūaltel
258	one hundred	gitcī-sate-gitcī	gītcis-gītcis	ōkūkūtsi-tōmai	mahais-hōl^[91a]	pulalhūmutc!		poal
259	two hundred			ōtta-cīentō^[91b]	hopitahais-hōl	ōpaal †		opal
260	eat	yōlūm		yōlūm	pae	haⁿwoike	haⁿwaiiⁿ	hewe
261	drink	ūssū		ūssū	ūki	meka	mi
262	run	hicwate		hitsū	kūwe, kū †	k'ū †	o'	tix
263	dance	kawūl		laki	lolti	wokla	wok^[92]	wok
264	sing	koya		kōya	ōtaiti	hoⁿpcala	wok^[92]
265	whistle	hūyak		hūyakūte	cīūti	kepemol	pī^*
266	shake	kītīta		leklekasī	metc!ane	yetcim	yu
267	sleep	ētc		ets	hintōla	inkit	in	in
268	awaken	pōlēpū		talin	hintsatil	pata	makita ^*
269	see	ellē		wūte	naū	nau	nauⁿ	new
270	like	kaēya		kaēya	wetcōse^[92a]	kaū	haⁿw, huc
271	angry	yūlû		askai	naleca	taūol	aⁿl
272	strike	kotatī		cōmatī	ōpōtcta^[92b]	tcokek	tūlik ^*
273	fight	nūken		alwemtī	wī-yeci	nomeke	mōmel ^*
― 80 ―
274	shoot	tūwe		tūwen	ō'to	motka	maⁿt	met
275	kill	ōke		katten	tota	līīk	li
276	sit	wate		hōwō	yō-	yō †	cu'	cu'
277	stand	tala		tala	lēpoma	yûcke	yaⁿ	ye
278	lie (lay)	hake		tsate	mūk-	nomke	nam
279	give	wa			tehesī?	tcōū	tcanī
280	laugh	hawai		yōmō	kata	mūcika	muc
281	cry	olak		nōtsa	kame	kinki	k'in^[93]
282	shout	lūtū		haiyap	t!apa	pōkeyaka	pokekek ^*

― 81 ―

Wintun.

No.	English	Southerly	Northerly
1	person	pat-win
2	man	wīta	win
3	woman	pōkīta	dakī
4	boy	tcūrai	k!aina
5	girl	lōita	īnīta-dakī
6	infant	īlaitcū	elet
7	old man	tciyak	k!īas
8	old woman	xai	pōtas
9	father^[23]	tatsū	netaū
10	mother	nentcū	nenin
11	husband	naiwi
12	wife	naiamōt
13	son	tē
14	daughter	tē
15	brother (elder)	labe-tcū
16	brother (younger)	Lan-tcū
17	sister (elder)	Lan-tcū
18	sister (younger)	ūtcū-tcū
19	father's brother	ta-tcū
20	mother's brother	apa-tcū
21	father's sister	ūtcū-tcu
22	mother's sister	nen-tcu
23	father's father	apa-tcū
24	mother's father	apa-tcū
25	father's mother	ama-tcū
26	mother's mother	ama-tcū
27	son's son	tai-tcū
28	daughter's son	tai-tcū
29	son's daughter	tai-tcū
30	daughter's dau.	tai-tcū
31	white man^[31]	tcalōki-win
32	head	duL	po
33	hair	tī	tūmoi
34	face	tūs
35	ear	mat	mat
36	eye	ca	Lūī
37	nose	Līnik	sūnō
38	mouth	kol	kol
39	tongue	tahal	tahal
40	teeth	cī	sī
41	neck	tūkūtūkū
42	arm	cala	sala
43	hand	cem	sem
44	fingers	kūpūm	sem
45	nails	tcai	k!ai
46	body	tūn
― 82 ―
47	belly	daka, būs
48	breasts (female)	īmit	īmit
49	milk	īmit	īmit
50	knee	anak	nōnī
51	leg	yir	kolī
52	foot	mai	Lelme
53	bone	pak	pak
54	rib	Lēme	wehūt
55	heart	pūrū	tcīdik
56	blood	cak	sak
57	liver	tcela	teLī
58	lungs	kōsōl	kos
59	stomach	ûmūmen?	tcīdik?
60	intestines	pōt	poto
61	excrement	tenī	tcenī
62	chief	sektū	cektū
63	doctor^[36]	yōmta	hīyōm
64	friend	nīkantcū	lelcom
65	house	kewel	kel
66	door	sīnpe	kelī
67	floor^[37]	wōle, sūLt	pōm
68	bed	wōle, kama
69	sweat-house^[38]	tsītsa-kewel	el-kel
70	center-pole	dōrī, lōlī	wenemtoktcit
71	bow	nūn	kūlsak
72	arrow	nōkō	doko
73	knife	dōkō	takōme
74	boat^[39]	nū	tcōtcit
75	paddle	kōki, lēma	Lapīt
76	fish-spear	Lewīci	tcimtcūtsī
77	fish-net	tcōrō, Lūhe	kōma
78	string	kali	dīLa
79	deer-snare	kada	tcotkada
80	rabbit-skin robe	Lūkai	ūdūī
81	pipe^[41]	bōmit, bōtī	lol-kok
82	tobacco	lol	lol
83	shell-beads	hīLī	mempak
84	magnesite-beads	tūrūl	tūlūl
85	bead-drill	citcī^[60j]
86	basket	pōkōla^[60k]	kōko
87	awl	alōli, tūp	tītcūp
88	burden basket	aba	padī
89	burden net	sūrūt	cūt
90	cradle	tūnūk	Lol
91	mortar basket	kawi	k!awi
92	pestle	t!ūsa	cotok
― 83 ―
93	comb	tība, pēnū	hatū
94	mush-paddle	taral	cēyū
95	sky	pantīwere^[60l]	sētatala
96	sun	sûn	tūkū
97	moon	sūnar	tcanaL
98	star	tatimen	Lūīyūk
99	day	sanī	po
100	night	sīnōl	leni
101	cloud	k!ir	k!a
102	wind	tūdi	Lēhīt
103	thunder	kimī^[60m]	tūmūmū
104	fog	tūmi, kos^[61]	tūmit
105	rain	yūrū	lūha
106	snow	yol	yōla
107	fire	po^[62]	po
108	smoke	LīLak, nōlō	nōk
109	ashes	pūt	pūk
110	water	mem	mem
111	sand	t!iki	tcūhel
112	earth, dirt	k!īr	k!as
113	earth, world	mūndū^[62a]
114	earthquake	hūyī	pōmōkō
115	ocean^[47]	tcūbila-mem
116	stream	kapai	memaL
117	lake	pōlpōl	tcahī
118	valley	wilak	kenkopol
119	mountain	tōL	tcoL
120	rock	kōdōi	con
121	obsidian	dōkō, so
122	metal	hiyērō
123	tree	tok	mī
124	wood	tok	tcok
125	digger pine^[49]	t!ūwa	tco'ko
126	redwood	sūmū
127	white oak	mūle, Lō
128	black oak	sai
129	pepperwood	saūlī
130	elderberry	k!aū
131	manzanita	ēye	paka
132	redbud	laknū	elep?
133	willow (white)	pūkūm	tcai
134	tule	Laka, Lop	Lap
135	angelica	hūtili
136	medicine	wene	memhene
137	poison	ūsel, pōkom	kōta
138	acorn	taka	īū
― 84 ―
139	wild onion	būswai, pūr	kerīmen
140	Indian potato^[50]	ēlī, kōmtū	elī
141	oat^[51]	ciniya
142	mush	yīwit, atōl	yiwit
143	pinole, meal	kōrī	kōī
144	whiskey^[52]	kakma-mem
145	meat	nop	paLī
146	dog	haiyū	cūkūt
147	bear	cīlai	tcīL
148	grizzly bear	cīlai	wemaL
149	black bear	tīlōkī, ūyūm	tciL
150	brown bear	mōwis	sakatcīL
151	coyote	tūtcai, sedeū	sedet
152	panther	patē	cūta
153	deer	nōp	nōp
154	antler	tcīli	k!īlī
155	elk	lōkōya^[62b]	kōlet
156	jackrabbit	tcelō	patkile
157	raccoon	tcewēya	tcīkan
158	horse^[54]	kawaiyū	kōdit
159	cattle	wakas
160	bird	pētī	tcīltcit
161	condor	mōlōk, mûl	molok
162	bald eagle	hasak	pīt
163	golden eagle	lōklōk
164	hawk (w. redtail)	katcit	cēit
165	owl (great horned)	timpirik?
166	buzzard	hūs	hūs
167	duck (mallard)	LaLat, lōpet	lade
168	quail (valley)	tīl	bītalat
169	meadow-lark	bīt	wītcolok
170	bluejay (valley)	tcait	tcaiktcaik
171	crow	kak
172	blackbird	tcakatū^[62c]	atat
173	hummingbird	tūūlūk
174	yellowhammer	wōlōlōk	tcīō
175	red-h. woodpecker	tarat	tōratat
176	mud-hen	tōLōk	pelkalepkalep
177	turtle	anō	an
178	frog	watak	watak
179	salamander	tcayakamen
180	rattlesnake	tiwīl	Letceū
181	fish	tir	tcit
182	salmon	hūr	nūt
183	trout	siya-tir, mōl	cōlat
184	mussel
― 85 ―
185	abaloni	kola
186	clam	kūk
187	louse	pērī	dōnō
188	flea	tcōtco	kōk!as
189	mosquito	tōsak	tcūcak
190	grasshopper	taram	nep
191	yellowjacket	Lōnō	perem
192	butterfly	hosōlai^[62d]
193	white	tcalōki	Lūīyūket
194	black	mūlti, sīlīa	kūta
195	red	tūlūka	tedēkit
196	striped	tcaiki, latī
197	large	bēne	komosa
198	small	kūtci,^[62e]	īnīstet
199	good	laiyok	tcala
200	bad	pōre, dūka	tcepa
201	stinking	tūbī	Lala
202	sweet	mūnūk^[62f]	mōnūka
203	bitter	aka, alalma
204	dead	lūmū
205	long	yūi, yūya	kelēla
206	short	tōdōi	wotit
207	round	bakak^[62g]
208	I	djū
209	my	nanū
210	thou	mī
211	thy	matō
212	he	pī^[63]
213	his	ūno
214	she	pī, pīle
215	hers	ūlēno
216	we	tcaket^[64]
217	our	nitcūna^[65]
218	they	pile^[66]
219	their	ūlēnō
220	north	wai-yel-be	wai-hai
221	east	pū-yel-be	pūī-hai
222	south	wō-rel-be	nūi-hai
223	west	no-mel-be	nūm-hai
224	up	pantī-be	ōlel-hai
225	down	tcentī-be	keū-hai
226	no	ōles	elēwa
227	yes	ō^[66a]	heda
228	one	etē-ta	ketet
229	two	pampūta	palel
230	three	pūnūlta	panōL
― 86 ―
231	four	emūsta	Lawit
232	five	etesemta	tcancem
233	six	serpūlta	sepanōL
234	seven	serpūtēta	tcumiL
235	eight	panemūsta	tseLawit
236	nine	panēmūstēta	cemaketet
237	ten	pampasemta	cema
238	eleven^[58b]	papūsem-etēta	cema-palel
239	twelve	panLōmī	panōL
240	thirteen	pampusempūnūlta	Lawit
241	fourteen	pampūsememūsta	tcancem
242	fifteen	pampūsemetesemta	panōl-tcancem
243	sixteen	pampūsemserpūlta	atcketet
244	seventeen	pampūsemserpūteta	palel
245	eighteen	pampūsempanemūsta	panōL
246	nineteen	pampūsempanēmūstēta	Lawit
247	twenty	etēkai	ketettcak
248	twenty-one
249	to twenty-nine
250	twenty-nine
251	thirty	pūnLada	tcancem
252	forty	ēmūspampūsemta
253	fifty	etesempampūsemta
254	sixty	serpūLpampūsemta
255	seventy	serpūtepampūsemta
256	eighty	panemuspampūsemta
257	ninety	panamūstētapampūsemta
258	one hundred	pūnūlpampūsemta^[66b]
259	two hundred	pampūta-senta
260	eat	ba
261	drink	tētī, tetūle
262	run	witīlī
263	dance	tōn
264	sing	mūhū, kōla
265	whistle	pūLpūLti
― 87 ―
266	shake	tūktūkī^[66c]
267	sleep	k!ana
268	awaken	dihō
269	see	wīnī, tcowī
270	like	kaiyic
271	angry	mūki^[66d]
272	strike	bûktū
273	fight	limōperi
274	shoot	Līla
275	kill	līmō^[66e]
276	sit	ham
277	stand	pētcaiyū
278	lie (lay)	t!al
279	give	dōyi
280	laugh	Lēye
281	cry	watū
282	shout	pōpaiyū

Footnotes to Vocabularies.

19. There are certain comparatively slight differences between the Southern dialect as spoken about Cloverdale, that is, north of the Wappo territory in Russian river valley, and on the upper course of Dry creek, and as it is spoken in the region from Healdsburg southward. So far as may be judged at present these differences are not sufficient to warrant separating these two regions into subdialectic areas, but the differences are worthy of note. For the sake of convenience the words of this dialect given in the vocabularies are all forms used in the northern part of the dialectic area and all cases where the form used in the southern region differs from that used in the northern are mentioned in footnotes. Similarly there appear to be certain constant differences between the speech of the people who inhabited the northern part of the Northern dialectic area, and those who inhabited the southern and eastern portions. With the material at present available, however, it is impossible to make such a separation of forms as has been done in the Southern dialect. The most noteworthy difference between these two parts of this area is the change of ū in the northern to ī in the southern and eastern.

20. kū and kawī or kiwī, as it is found in some of the Pomo dialects, are used, particularly in the Central dialect, where kū or kūtc is the usual form, with the signification of small, as is seen from their use here in the words boy and girl which signify small man and small woman respectively. There seem to be slight differences in the use of this affix in the different part of the Central dialectic area. On the coast the affix precedes the word man or woman while in the valley region it follows it. Thus in the one case the words are kū-baia and kū-mata, while in the other case they are baia-kū and mata-kū.

21. nata signifies young.

22. fa or fo, signifying person, is added by some informants to such words as infant, old man and old woman.

23. In almost all of the languages here under consideration the terms of relationship are used with the possessive pronoun. Wherever determinable the pronoun has been separated from the root by a hyphen. Owing

― 88 ―

to the circumstances under which these vocabularies were obtained, it was impossible in some cases to determine whether the terms given were those used in speaking to the person or in speaking of the person mentioned. In most cases however they are the terms used in speaking of the person. Most of these terms of relationship are the same for both the person spoken to and the person spoken of except that in the former there is a short syllable added after the root word. For instance, in the Central dialect de or e is added in almost all terms and in the Eastern dialect a is usually so added.

24. ke-būsa, my old man, is also used.

25. aūke-atca-būnya is the form used in the southern part of this dialectic area.

26. awitkamen is also used.

27. ke-kawī and ke-kū, signifying in a broad sense my child, are used in the Northern and Central dialects as general terms to indicate both sons and daughters of all ages. If it is desired to specify the relative age or the sex of the particular child meant it is done by substituting the more exact terms signifying these for the general terms kawī and kū. Thus in the Central dialect ke-ba'ia-kū, my man little, is used to indicate a very small son, and ke-kewī'ts, my (full grown) boy, to indicate a grown son. The corresponding terms for daughters are ke-ma'ta-kū and ke-nacō'i.

28. Another word used is aūke-kawī.

29. According to one informant the term used by a man in addressing his son is ke-nata, while that used by a woman in addressing her son is pakin.

29a. wim-fat is also used.

30. Older than the related parent of speaker.

30a. ameetmamee was given by one informant.

31. The term masan, which is found in at least three of the Pomo dialects, signifies danger or dangerous, and is a term used to denote any dangerous animal, object or force, as lightning, a loud noise, or a falling tree, and was applied to the first Mexicans who rode into the region. In addition to this name, chiefly used in the Northern, Central, and Eastern dialectic areas, the term palatcai is also found, and informants say that it is a term which was introduced from the people living to the south, probably those of the Southern dialectic area in the vicinity of Healdsburg and Santa Rosa. According to one informant of the Northern dialect white men are also sometimes called tōtū, which also signifies blanket, and was given to the whites because they always had blankets to spread for beds.

32. xō-mfo means literally white man.

33. ha'bū is the word used in the southern part of this area.

34. īhalwe is used in the southern part of this area.

35. a'tcet is used in the southern part of this dialectic area.

35a. micūt is also used.

35b. maastcak is also used.

36. The singing doctor is the one here referred to.

36a. atca-wenō-kaia, man-medicine- ?, is also used.

37. In all dialects except the Eastern the words for floor and bed are the same. This is probably due to the fact that the Indians formerly slept upon the floor with very little in the way of bedding. The Eastern term sīmaga is formed upon the same stem as the word sleep with which the connection is obvious.

― 89 ―

38. Sweat-house is used here as a general term. The word cane found in the Northern and Central Pomo dialects is usually given in speaking of both the sudatory and the dance or ceremonial house. The two are distinguished, however, as hōli-cane, and kemane-cane, in the Northern dialect; and hō-cane and ke-cane or kūya-cane in the Central dialect.

38a. ama signifies earth and ta signifies house, the reference being to the fact that the houses were covered with earth. ōhō-nam-ta, fire-build-in-house, is also used, as well as cana-ta.

39. It was stated in discussing the natural cultural areas of the region under consideration that no boats were used in the valley region except on the Laguna de Santa Rosa. Tule boats similar to those used about Clear lake were used here. The only means of water travel along the coast was a raft made of logs bound together with hazel or other binding material.

40. The word napa was given by Southwestern informants as the name of the complete fish-spear, but it was also obtained from informants speaking the Central, Eastern, and Southern dialects as the name of the detachable points only. As is suggested in speaking of the name Napa, the origin of which is not definitely known, there may be some connection between it and this Pomo word.

40a. saōtū was given by one informant.

41. The word for pipe in most of the languages here under consideration is a compound signifying either tobacco stone or tobacco stick. The terms used in the Pomo dialects, except in the Northeastern, signify tobacco stone, notwithstanding the fact that the pipe of the region is made of wood.

41a. talēya-pō is also used.

41b. pōl-catane is also used.

41c. xaixō is also used.

42. ōnma is the term applied to any sort of a utensil whether made of fiber or other material.

43. tcolō is used in the southern part of this area.

44. Purdy in his, "Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," Land of Sunshine, XV, 444, gives kolob as the term signifying basket used at Lower lake, the southernmost arm of Clear lake. It is about the shores of Lower lake that practically all of the territory of the Southeastern dialectic area lies.

44a. tcimīsa is also used.

44b. tōō-catūi is the usual form of this word, but tōō-bala is also used.

44c. īwe-da is also used.

44d. falibikal and falubakal were also given.

45. One informant gave kabaa as fog and bīsī as cloud.

45a. kaba is also used.

46. ama-mīyōl was also given.

47. The terms used as names for the ocean convey various ideas. The people living inland usually use bō-xa, etc., signifying west water; while xa-batin, or other dialectic variations of this term, signifying water big, as well as xa-mōts, water-salty, are also used. These last two terms are used particularly by the people living on the immediate seashore.

47a. bō-xa, west-water, is frequently used.

47b. a'ka-mōts, water-salty, is also used.

48. According to one informant wicalī means east.

49. It is probable that there is some confusion in the names of different species of pine, and that the names here given as those for Digger pine may in some cases be really the names of other species.

― 90 ―

50. By this term are meant the various bulbs, corms, and tubers used by the Indians for food, except the corm of Allium unifolium, and perhaps other species of Allium, popularly known as wild onion.

51. It appears that native wild oats grew as far north as the divide between the Eel river and Russian river drainages and perhaps a little farther. In the Pomo country they were used to a considerable extent for food, but the original Indian names have been hard to obtain, the Spanish term for grain having superseded them in most cases.

51a. Spanish semīya is also used, though bita-baa is the aboriginal term.

51b. ba-bana, tail-forked, is the aboriginal name of the oat, but the Spanish simīya is more frequently heard at present.

52. There was no intoxicating drink known to the Indians of this region before their contact with Spanish and English speaking people, and there is therefore no aboriginal word indicating such a drink. Contrary to the rule with introduced commodities whiskey did not bring its Spanish or English name into these languages; but descriptive terms are used in the several dialects. To the word water various modifiers indicating bad, strong tasting, and bitter are added.

52a. būrakal is the generic term signifying bear, and is usually given in speaking of a grizzly for the reason that it is the sort of bear most commonly thought of. If it is desirable to distinguish among the species of bears the grizzly is called būrakal-pītaū, bear-white, or sometimes būrakal-xabalal.

52b. Another informant gave bor-ka as the term signifying bears of the various species.

53. osin is used in the southern part of this area.

54. Horses and almost all other introduced animals and articles retained their Spanish names, particularly in the southern part of the territory under consideration. One informant says that when horses were first ridden by the Spaniards into the valley along Russian river they were called by the Indians speaking the Central Pomo dialect, kasīzī-tcimaūkale, or elk ride for; that is, elk which could be ridden. It is likely that the same naming at first sight was done elsewhere and with other animals and objects, but the names have been forgotten. The same people called the first cattle they saw masa'n-pce or white man's deer.

54a. kiwēna is also used.

54b. Another informant gave aiyûn.

54c. Another informant gave tcaai.

55. tsīlak is used in the southern part of this area.

56. katsīt is used in the southern part of this area.

56a. Probably a different species from that referred to by the terms of the other dialects.

56b. pō and pōl are also used in the Northern, Central, Eastern, Southwestern and perhaps Southern dialects in referring to reddish substances, though there is some doubt as to whether they include the abstract idea itself. In the Southeastern and Northeastern dialects these become fō and fōl in accordance with the usual phonetic laws of these dialects.

57. kūta is used in the southern part of this area.

57a. This term really signifies any sort of a mark or figure, as the design on a basket, etc.

58. mice and its different forms indicate a scent of any sort, while tīic-mice and nis-mice, which occur in the Northern and Eastern dialects, indicate any sort of a bad odor.

― 91 ―

58a. The numerals used in the southern part of this dialectic area are in most cases the same as those used in the northern. The following variations however are found:

1. tcatca.
2. akō or ako
4. mītca or mit·a
7. latkō or latkū
8. kōmtca, kōmt·a
10. tca-cûtō, tca-co'to
11. wīnan-tca
12. wīnan-ko
13. wīnan-sibo
14. wīnamt·a
15. wīna-tūco
16. wīna-lantca
17. wīna-latko
18. wina-kōmtca
19. wina-tcatcō
30. mīsībo-cûto
40. mīt·a-cûto
60. lantca-hai
80. kōmtca-hai, kōmt·a-cûto
200. ako-hai, ako-wī

58b. Pomo numerals from eleven up vary in their composition. In the Northern, Central, Eastern, and Southeastern dialects eleven is ten plus one, while in the Southern and Southwestern dialects the element ten in the numeral eleven is omitted and the numbers from eleven up are simply plus one, plus two, etc.

58c. serpatēta is more frequently used than sebaita. The former, however, very closely resembles the Southerly Wintun seven and is, like several other Southeastern Pomo numerals, very probably borrowed directly from that language. sebaita is given preference in the vocabulary because it seems probable that it is nearer the original form of this numeral in this dialect.

58d. As in the case of seven, the term which is believed to be a survival of the original one is here given. The Wintun panamūsta is however more frequently used.

58e. It is worthy of note that while in most other respects the Southeastern Pomo seem to have retained their language quite uncorrupted, they have incorporated many of the Wintun numerals, in some cases almost without change. So far has this incorporation progressed that the aboriginal Pomo numerals have nearly disappeared. In a few cases the aboriginal term and the Wintun appear combined, as is probable in the case of eighty, danwi-tal-pacem, in which danwi, equivalent to danwidi, is purely Southeastern Pomo and -tal-pacem is probably Wintun. However, in most of the numerals the Wintun term has supplanted the Pomo, or if the Pomo still persists it is but rarely used. In cases where the latter condition prevails the Pomo has been retained in the vocabulary, the borrowed Wintun equivalent being noted in a footnote. It is not unlikely that Powers was influenced to a considerable degree by the similarity between the numerals of these two languages when he classed the Southeastern Pomo, whom he calls the "Makh-el-chel," with the Wintun.

58f. caba-tal-pacem is also used.

58g. The form given in the vocabulary is probably a combination of Pomo and Wintun, danwi being equivalent to the Pomo danwidi, eight, and -tal-pacem being probably of Wintun origin. In addition to this term panamūsta-tal-pacem is also used.

58h. The usual signification of kalī is sky.

― 92 ―

58i. This term resembles the Northerly Wintun word for eight and may have been in part derived from that source, as people of the Wintun stock surround the Northeastern Pomo on three sides.

58j. seLawīka also was obtained as a term signifying nine. This, however, very closely resembles the Northerly Wintun eight and may have been confused by the informant with that term. This is the more probable for the reason that the Northeastern Pomo now live in close affiliation with the Northerly Wintun, who greatly outnumber them and whose language they speak in addition to their own.

58k. Twenty-one to twenty-eight inclusive are formed regularly, that is, to the stem twenty is added in each dialect plus-one, plus-two, and so on.

58l. centō and sentū are corruptions of the Spanish term for hundred which was introduced among these people with the first occupation of this region by the early Mexican settlers. These corrupted Spanish terms seem to have, in the dialects in which they appear, completely supplanted the original Indian terms.

58m. lībō-mta was given by another informant.

58n. Informants sometimes add a directive ending, l, in giving these cardinal points, thus making them really eastward, westward, etc.

59. kafōtki was given by one informant.

59a. yaiyī is also used.

59b. dīdīdimta was given by another informant.

60. dokīli is used in the southern part of this area.

60a. kūyēyī is also used.

60b. walīko is also used.

60c. talik is also used.

60d. gotca is also used.

60e. sūya is also used.

60f. wīwaia is also used.

60g. kītcōta is also used.

60h. waiwaiya is also used.

60i. hūtūī is also used.

60j. sitcīsuk is also used.

60k. totōk is also used.

60l. kir is also used.

60m. sakturīl is also used.

61. tūmi is used to denote heavy fog, and kōs light fog.

61a. kōiyō-līwa is also used.

62. po is also found in the Pomo dialects, where it has the forms po, pō, pōl, and fol, signifying magnesite beads.

62a. wīlak is also used.

62b. sawatū is also used.

62c. tcapūl is also used.

62d. balalik is sometimes also used.

62e. kitcītū is also used.

62f. tūltūlama is also used.

62g. pūyūka is also used.

63. pī is the demonstrative, that.

64. The dual is pepe.

65. The dual is nepelnō.

66. The dual is hata.

― 93 ―

66a. wetis and la'ikas are also used.

66b. etēta-senta is also used. senta is evidently derived from the Spanish and etēta-senta is literally one-hundred.

66c. yūktī is also used.

66d. Lūpakū is also used.

66e. sūltūsa is also used.

67. In the course of the present investigation only very limited vocabularies of the Yuki proper and the Coast Yuki dialects were obtained, and the author is indebted to Professor A. L. Kroeber for the greater part of the accompanying vocabularies of these two dialects, as also for a number of Wappo and Huchnom terms. The terms in the Wappo and Huchnom vocabularies which were contributed by Professor Kroeber are indicated by a dagger. All the terms in the Yuki proper and the Coast Yuki vocabularies were contributed by Professor Kroeber except those marked with an asterisk, which were taken by the author.

67a. kakūtī is also used.

67b. hūwalū is also used.

67c. uñ-ke was given by another informant.

68. mīl and mīil in Yuki proper and Coast Yuki respectively denote calf of the leg, and taⁿt and t'et in Yuki proper and Coast Yuki respectively denote the thigh.

68a. metīlekic is also used.

69. iwil-han denotes poison house; but ōn-a-han, dirt house, was also obtained as the word for sweat-house.

69a. hitmol is also used.

70. In the Wappo and Coast Yuki dialects the name for pipe signifies tobacco stone, but in Huchnom and Yuki proper tobacco stick is used.

71. t'ūk is the term denoting coiled basketry.

72. A large and a small body of water are distinguished by the terms lele, a small open place, and tūl, a large open place, used in connection with me, meaning water, the two terms being me-lele and me-hū-tūl.

73. These two terms signify large valley or open place and small valley or open place respectively.

74. The application of this term to a valley is, or at least was originally, probably to a flat marshy piece of land. kat signifies flat and on-kat signifies land flat, but k'at signifies wet and on-k'at signifies mud, and it is not unlikely that the two ideas were more or less connected in the minds of the Indians. ūkom signifies swamp or probably more exactly a flat valley which might become marshy; it may also be used to designate valley.

75. Chesnut in "Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California," Cont. from U. S. Nat. Herbarium, Vol. VII, No. 3, p. 307, gives "pol-cum-ol" as the Yuki name for Digger pine.

75a. aiû-hol is also used.

76. tsītsa is used by the Wappo with the signification of bear and also bird. The same term with slight variations is found in the Pomo dialects with the signification of bird.

76a. holt'om† is also used.

76b. pōtmu† is also used.

77. The Wappo dialect has pīce meaning antler. The same term with phonetic variations is that used by the Pomo with the signification of deer.

― 94 ―

78. This word signifies "sit fire he who."

79. aⁿs-itc and e's-itc in the Yuki proper and Coast Yuki dialects respectively are composed of the root signifying blood and the diminutive itc which here seems to signify like.

80. k'in is used with the several significations of stink, sorry, pity, cry, and weep.

81. hulkelel really means ghost and not a dead body. This name is also used for white man.

81a. kī means that or he, and ka means strictly this.

82. The demonstrative.

83. ūs, inclusive, and mī, exclusive.

84. ūsat, inclusive, and mīat, exclusive.

85. The dual.

86. This term signifies literally water large at.

87. mipatopkitc and mipatalewa are also given.

88. mipatopkitc is also used.

89. hutcampaⁿwipan is nine.

90. This is also ten.

91. This is also eleven. molmi-huipoi was also given for nineteen.

91a. pawa-senta is also used.

91b. Literally two-hundred, the term cīentō being derived from the Spanish word signifying hundred.

92. Dance and sing are the same word.

92a. hakice is also used.

92b. watis is also used.

93. See note 80.

― 95 ―

Pomo.

Lexical Relationships.

In considering the lexical relationships of the Pomo dialects one to another, only those words have been selected for comparison which have been obtained in all of the seven dialects.On account of the great irregularity of root forms in numerals and the doubtfulness of some of the terms of relationship obtained, it has been deemed advisable to omit these from all considerations of both lexical and phonetic relationship, not only in dealing with the Pomo but with the dialects of the other three stocks as well. Likewise all terms which are of Spanish origin have been omitted from these considerations. In the accompanying vocabularies the number of such words, all of which it will be seen are words of common occurrence and most likely to show fundamental relationships among the dialects, is one hundred and eighty. Of this number fifty, or 27.8 per cent., have identical roots in the several dialects in each case, and two,

― 96 ―

or 1.1 per cent., have entirely different roots in each dialect, thus leaving one hundred and twenty-eight, or 71.1 per cent., with root forms varying more or less from dialect to dialect, but each having the same root in at least two dialects. From this it will be seen that about one-fourth of this list of Pomo words most commonly in use have identical roots in all dialects, while nearly all of the remaining three-fourths have the same roots in two or more dialects, but not the same in all dialects, the proportion of words with roots dissimilar in all dialects being so small as to be practically negligible. As the words of this list are among those most commonly used, it is presumable that they are the words the roots of which would be most similar in all the dialects, so that it is probable that a more extended list would show an increase over this very small percentage of words with dissimilar roots in all dialects; but it is doubtful if even with any larger list of reasonably common terms the proportion of these entirely dissimilar words would ever be very considerable.

Considering now the relationships of the various Pomo dialects to one another, it is apparent from table I, which shows both the actual number and the percentage of roots in each dialect held in common with each of the other dialects respectively, as well as the average percentage of such common roots in each dialect, that so far as the percentages are concerned the various dialects are related to each other, each dialect being taken separately as a base, as follows:

TABLE II. Showing descending order of lexical similarity of Pomo dialects.

N.	C.	E.	S.	S.W.	N.E.	S.E.
N.	82.3	66.2	61.7	61.1	47.8	46.0
C.	N.	S.	S.W.	E.	S.E.	N.E.
C.	82.3	67.2	65.6	64.0	46.7	45.5
E.	N.	C.	S.	S.W.	S.E.	N.E.
E.	66.2	64.0	51.7	48.9	45.0	42.2
S.	S.W.	C.	N.	E.	S.E.	N.E.
S.	67.8	67.2	61.7	51.7	45.5	43.3
S.W.	S.	C.	N.	E.	S.E.	N.E.
S.W.	67.8	65.6	61.1	48.9	42.2	41.7
S.E.	C.	N.	S.	E.	S.W.	N.E.
S.E.	46.7	46.0	45.5	45.0	42.2	36.1
N.E.	N.	C.	S.	E.	S.W.	S.E.
N.E.	47.8	45.5	43.3	42.2	41.7	36.1

― 97 ―

From this table, as well as from a consideration of the averages of the percentages of common roots as shown in Table I, it is apparent that the Central and Northern dialects are the most typical of the Pomo language as a whole, these dialects possessing the greatest average percentages, 61.9 and 60.9 respectively, of roots held in common with other dialects, each of the dialects being taken as a basis of classification for every other dialect.

Further, again considering the relationships shown by the average percentages, the dialects come in the following order: the Central, with 61.9 per cent.; the Northern, with 60.9 per cent.; the Southern, with 56.37 per cent.; the Southwestern, with 54.5 per cent.; the Eastern, with 53.0 per cent.; the Southeastern, with 43.58 per cent.; and the Northeastern, with 42.77 per cent.; which relationship may be expressed graphically as in the following diagram.

From these relations of average percentages it appears that the seven Pomo dialects fall into three groups: the Central and the Northern, with 61.9 and 60.9 per cents. respectively; the Southern, the Southwestern, and the Eastern, with 56.37, 54.5, and 53.0 per cents. respectively; and the Southeastern and the Northeastern, with 43.58 and 42.77 per cents. respectively. Each of these groups is separated to a considerable degree from the one nearest, while the constituents of each group are only comparatively little different one from the other. This similarity is,

― 98 ―

however, only one of average percentages of roots common to dialects, and by no means implies any close similarity between any two dialects in each group. In fact the last group mentioned, that consisting of the Southeastern and Northeastern dialects, contains the two dialects which, while they are both most dissimilar to all other dialects collectively, are at the same time more dissimilar to each other than any other one of the dialects is to either of them. They possess only 36.1 per cent. of roots in common, while the smallest percentage of roots possessed in common by either of these with any of the other dialects is 41.7 per cent., or 5.6 per cent. more.

If arranged according to absolute lexical affinity one with another there would be five groups, as follows: The Central and the Northern; the Eastern; the Southern and the Southwestern; the Southeastern; and the Northeastern; the last two being the most unrelated to each other of any two.

Now combining these two relationships and thus considering the relationship shown by the average percentages of root forms held in common by the dialects, and considering also the relationships shown by the absolute lexical affinities, these dialects are related one to another about as follows: The Central and Northern with 61.9 and 60.9 average per cents. respectively are the most clearly related to all the other dialects and may thus be taken to represent the typical existing form of the Pomo language as a whole. At the same time the relationship existing between these two dialects is closer than that existing between any other two of the dialects, they having 82.3 per cent. of roots in common. The Southern, Southwestern, and Eastern dialects, with 56.37, 54.5, and 53.0 average per cents. respectively are, so far as their average percentage relationships to the remaining dialects are concerned, closely related, but in respect to an actual connection one with the other the Southern and Southwestern are much more closely related to each other than either is to the Eastern. The Southern and Southwestern have 67.8 per cent. of roots in common, while with the Eastern they have only 51.7 and 48.9 per cents. respectively of roots in common. Thus the grouping of these three dialects together by virtue of the closeness of their average percentages is a negative rather than a positive relationship,

― 99 ―

in that it shows them all to be about mutually unrelated to the remaining dialects, but does not in the least imply that they are mutually related one to the other. The last of the three groups made according to the average percentages contains the Southeastern and Northeastern dialects with 43.58 and 42.77 average per cents. respectively. Here again the grouping is a negative one and shows these two dialects about mutually unrelated to the remaining dialects, but even more than in the former case this grouping must not be understood to imply any mutual relationship of these two dialects, for they have only 36.1 per cent. of roots in common, which is a smaller per cent. than either of these dialects has with any of the other five. The least affinity shown between one of these dialects and another of the remaining five is between the Northeastern and the Southwestern, where the number of roots held in common by the two is 41.7 per cent., thus making these two dialects more nearly related by 5.6 per cent. than the Southeastern and the Northeastern.

It is impossible without the use of three dimensions to show graphically the relationships of the seven Pomo dialects to one another with any exactness. The following diagram, however, roughly shows these relationships. By virtue of their close relationship one to the other the Central and Northern dialects are placed close together. By virtue of their possessing nearly equal average percentages of roots in common with the remaining dialects they are considered to form a group, which may be taken to most nearly represent the type of the Pomo language as a whole, and for this reason are given a centralized position in the diagram. The fact that they are so nearly related in the matter of possessing actual root forms in common is indicated by enclosing the two in the same area. It was noted above that the Eastern, Southern, and Southwestern dialects were about mutually unrelated to the remaining dialects, as is shown by their respective average per cents., but at the same time it was noted that so far as the actual number of roots held in common between the Eastern and the Southern or the Southwestern was concerned the Eastern was quite unrelated to the Southern and Southwestern, and also that the Southern and Southwestern were quite closely related one to the other. The fact that these three dialects

― 100 ―

are about equally unrelated to the others is indicated by their arrangement along a short axis with the typical group, the Central and Northern dialects, as an approximate center. The fact that the Southern and Southwestern dialects are quite closely related is shown by their being placed in the same enclosed area, but the fact that they are not so nearly related to each other as Central and Northern are is shown by their being placed farther apart within their area than Central and Northern are within theirs. The fact that the actual root relationship between the Eastern dialect and the typical group is closer than that between the Southern-Southwestern group and the typical group is indicated by its being placed nearer the typical group area. In a like manner the relationships of the Southeastern and Northeastern dialects to each other and to the remaining dialects are expressed as nearly as possible in the diagram by placing these two at opposite ends of the long axis to show that they are about mutually unrelated to the remaining dialects, and by placing them at greater distances from the central typical group area than the Eastern or the Southern and Southwestern are placed, to show that they are more remotely connected with the presumable original stem of the language than are any of these. The use of two axes is made necessary by the fact that the Southeastern and Northeastern dialects are not only more remotely connected with the central typical group than are the Eastern

― 101 ―

or Southern and Southwestern, but that they are also very remotely connected with these. Thus in placing them on this second axis their distances from the Southern-Southwestern group and from the Eastern area indicate this comparatively remote connection with these dialects. Further, by placing them at opposite ends of the axis the fact that they are very remotely connected with each other is shown.

Phonetic Relationships.

The following sounds are found in the Pomo dialects:

Vowels:

a, ai, ē, e, ī, i, ō, o, ū, u, û.

Phonetic Variations.

The following phonetic variationsOwing to the very limited amount of material from which to work, it is impossible at present to determine whether all the phonetic changes here noted are governed by any fixed sequences of sounds. However, from a few cases noted there is evidence that the preceding and succeeding sounds do govern at least some of these changes. are found among the several Pomo dialects.

h in other dialects changes very regularly to x in Eastern and Southeastern.

k in other dialects usually changes to x in Eastern. The same change is found frequently in Southeastern and occasionally in Northern. Both k and x in other dialects frequently change to g` in Eastern.

t in other dialects occasionally changes to r or r in Eastern.

tc in other dialects changes to k quite frequently in Eastern

― 102 ―

and a little less frequently to g`, g or x. tc in other dialects frequently changes to dj in Southern and Southwestern and in Northeastern it frequently becomes t or t.

c in other dialects changes very frequently to x in Southeastern, and c in Northern and Central occasionally changes to k in Eastern. c in other dialects changes upon rare occasions to s in Northeastern.

ts, which is apparently entirely lacking in Northeastern where tc regularly replaces it, is fairly constant in the remaining dialects.

dj in Northern, Southern, and Southwestern occasionally changes to g in Eastern.

l is fairly constant in all dialects, but l final is occasionally replaced by n or m in Southern.

b in other dialects changes in a few cases to p in Central.

In the few cases in which f occurs in the Southeastern and the Northeastern dialects p is the corresponding sound found in other dialects.

From the foregoing it will be seen that the various Pomo dialects are characterized by certain phonetic features as follows:

Northern Dialect.

The following phonetic changes from the other Pomo dialects are found in the Northern.

k in other dialects changes occasionally to x in Northern, the same change being much more frequent in Eastern and Southeastern.

k in the Eastern dialect occasionally changes to c in the Northern.

Central Dialect.

There are but few phonetic changes which are peculiar to the Central dialect, as follows:

b in other dialects changes to p in Central in a few cases, and f, which occurs only in Southeastern and Northeastern, always changes to p in this dialect.

k in the Eastern dialect occasionally changes to c in the Central.

The suppression of open vowels is frequent in this dialect.

― 103 ―

Eastern Dialect.

There are a number of phonetic changes peculiar to the Eastern dialect, as follows:

The most frequently occurring phonetic change noticed is that of k in other dialects to x in Eastern. The same change occurs less frequently in Southeastern and still less frequently in Northern.

In a very few cases k preceded by a and followed by ō changes to g` in the Eastern dialect.

dj in the Northern, Southern, and Southwestern dialects occasionally changes to x in the Eastern.

c in the Northern and Central dialects occasionally changes to k in the Eastern.

h in other dialects changes to x in Eastern and Southeastern in a few cases.

There are a few cases where t in other dialects appears to change to r or r in Eastern.

Initial t in other dialects changes to x, g` or h in a few instances, while medial t in others changes in a few cases to g` or k, all changes being apparently unaffected by the accompanying sounds.

In a few cases l is added to monosyllabic words, but with no apparent regularity as to the accompanying sound.

tc in other dialects occasionally changes to k and more rarely to x, g` or g in Eastern.

In a very few cases dj or tc in other dialects changes to g in Eastern.

Southeastern Dialect.

The phonetic changes which characterize this dialect are in some cases striking.

h in other dialects changes to x in the Southeastern and Eastern dialects in a few cases.

c in other dialects changes quite regularly to x in Southeastern.

k in other dialects occasionally changes to x in Southeastern. The same change occurs less frequently in Northern and more frequently in Eastern.

― 104 ―

t final occurs frequently in Southeastern, usually preceded by i, sometimes by a or ō, and rarely by e or ū. The remaining dialects have no corresponding sound in these words.

In a very few instances tc in other dialects changes to ts in Southeastern.

f, which is, as has been stated, one of the most uncommon sounds in native American languages, is found in this dialect and also in the Northeastern, the corresponding sound in the remaining Pomo dialects being p. The change of b in other dialects to f in Southeastern apparently does not occur. From the accompanying list of words containing f it will be seen that this sound is usually followed by a or o, and occasionally by ō, ū, and ī.

Southeastern and Northeastern Dialect Words in Which F Occurs.

English	Southeastern	Northeastern
man	mafo
old man	mūtūī-fa
old woman	kata-fa
infant	xiwī-fa
human being	ūmti-mfo
white man	xō, or xō-mfo
daughter	wim-fat	fatada
finger		k!afana
excrement	fa	fa-hīmō
intestines	fa, or kōkmai-fa	fa
deer snare	beke-fūyim
magnesite beads	fōl, or fōl-hūya	fo, fol
basket		fat
blackbird	kaafal
frog	faxats
dance	xe-mfōm
shake	kafōtki
poison	kūfil or kifīl
spring	xakfa
mush oak	tsafa-būdū
root (used as medicine)	fool
burden basket	falibikal, or falūbakal
a camp site on the shore of East lake	kaalkfai

fo, signifying people, is frequently used as a part of the name of a people, as, tīa'm-fo, the people living in Coyote valley at the

― 105 ―

head of Putah creek, a'nam-fo, the people living in Upper lake valley.

Southern Dialect.

The following phonetic changes are found in the Southern dialect:

l in other dialects occasionally changes to n or m in Southern, in particular final l of others usually changes to n.

b in other dialects changes to p in Southern in a very few cases.

tc frequently changes to dj in Southern as also in Southwestern.

Roots in other dialects, the vowels of which are a, frequently add a, usually before the root, in the Southern dialect, and there are a few cases of such affixing where the root vowel is not a.

ī and ē are occasionally added to roots whose vowels are the same as the added vowel.

ī and hī are also frequently added but before stem vowels other than ī, usually a, and sometimes ū or ō.

Other rare cases of such additions of sounds occur, as ō, hō and hū. ha does not appear to be so used.

Southwestern Dialect.

The phonetic characteristics of the Southwestern dialect are the following:

tc in other dialects frequently changes to dj in Southwestern, as also in Southern.

a is frequently added to roots in the Southwestern dialect and the same general statements concerning its use in the Southern dialect are true here also.

ī is frequently, and hī is occasionally added, invariably to stems whose vowel is not ī. The stem vowel is usually a, but sometimes ū or ō.

A very few instances are found in which he and hū are added before roots.

ē is apparently never added in this manner.

― 106 ―

Northeastern Dialect.

A few characteristic phonetic changes are found in the Northeastern dialect.

tc in other dialects frequently changes to t or t in Northeastern.

ts appears to be entirely lacking in the Northeastern dialect, being very regularly replaced by tc.

c in other dialects changes upon rare occasions to s in Northeastern.

f, which occurs in only a very few words in this dialect, appears to have only p as an equivalent in the remaining dialects except in the Southeastern where f is also found. However, owing to the incompleteness of the present vocabularies it can not be definitely stated that the change of b in other dialects to f in Northeastern does not occur.

As before mentioned, the conclusions here stated as to lexical and phonetic similarity and diversity of the various Pomo dialects are based on the larger general vocabularies, but in order to have in concise form a limited number of terms for purposes of comparison a shorter list of typical words found most commonly in use among the Pomo is here given. While in general an inspection of these short vocabularies will show the same facts as to the existing similarities and diversities among the dialects there may be some cases where such an inspection would not yield precisely the same results. However, in this connection it must be remembered that to obtain the results above stated much larger lists of words were used, and it is to this fact that the apparent discrepancies in results are due.

― 107 ―

Selected List of Common Pomo Words Showing Characteristic Lexical and Phonetic Relationships of the Dialects.

English	Northern	Central	Eastern	Southern	S.Western	S.Eastern	N.Eastern
man	ba	baia	xak	atcai	hībaia	mafo	hibaia, bike
woman	mata	mata	da	baai	īmata	xatai	dake
head	cina	cna	kaiya	cina	cīna	xīya	tīna
hair	e	e	mūsū	hee	hee	ē	hele
ear	cima	cima	cīma	cīma-mō	cīma	xamantsa	cīma
eye	ūī	ūī	ūī	hūūī	hūūī	ūī	ūī
nose	la	la	lababō	hīlamda	īla	la	līmō
mouth	ha	ha	xatsīda	ha 'bō, aha	habo, aha	xastō	ha-mō
tongue	ba, haba	haūba	bal	hībaa	haba	bal	hūūba
teeth	ō'	ō'	yaō'	hōō	hōo	ō	o
hand	tana	tana	bī'ya	ō'tōma, tana	djōco	atan	t!oco
nails	hetc	etc	rīk	hetc	hetc	asap	hetca
foot	kama	kama	xama	kama	kama	xaman	kama
bone	ya	ya	hīya	īha	īhya	ya	hīya
blood	ballai	ballai	ballai	balai	balai	ballai	tces
house	tca	tca, dja	g`a	atca	a'tca	tsa	ta
sky	kalī	kalī	xalī	kalī	kalī-kabe	xelīn	kalī
sun	da	da	la	hada	hada	da	matī-daka
snow	yū	yū	hūl	īûhū	ī'yū	yūl	hūyū
fire	hō	ho	xō	ōhō	ōho	xō	ōhō
water	xa	ka	xa	aka	aka	xa	ka
earth	ma	ma	ta	amma	ama	nōxō	ama
rock	kabe	kabe	xabe	ka 'be	ka 'be	xabē	kabe
wood	hai	hai	xai	ahai	ahai	xai	aha
dog	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	haiyū	bōlaū-ka
deer	bice	pce, pice	bīce	pce	bīce	bike	bīce
fish	ca	ca	ca	aca	aca	xa	ca, sa
large	matō	bate	baten, tī	bate	ba 'te	batenek	tē
good	kidī	kadī	kūdī	kōdī	kōdi	tsama	kūdi
north	djūhūla	tcūla	gūhūla	djūhūla	djūhūla	tsadūwa	tūhūl
south	yō	yō	yō	īyōgō	mihīla	xōnōxana	mīhīl

― 108 ―

Moquelumnan.

Lexical Relationships.

In the three Moquelumnan dialects here under consideration two, the Southern and the Western, are comparatively closely related, the differences between them being only slight as compared with those existing between either of them and the Northern. The Northern is, as might be expected from its isolated situation, quite different from both of these, and forms a very marked dialect. With the present limited amount of material at hand it is impossible to give accurately the percentage relationships of these dialects one to another.

Phonetic Relationships.

Sounds.

The following sounds are found in the Moquelumnan dialects:

Vowels:

a, ai, ē, e, ī, i, ō, o, ū, u, û.

Phonetic Variations.

Certain phonetic changes are found to occur in passing from one Moquelumnan dialect to another, as follows:

tc in the Western and Southern dialects regularly changes to ts in the Northern.

s in the other two dialects occasionally changes to c in the Northern.

s or n in the Western and Northern dialects does in rare instances change to s in the Southern.

― 109 ―

s is, so far as has been found, entirely lacking in the Northern dialect, but fairly common in the Western and Southern.

y in the other dialects occasionally changes to l in the Northern, and there is one case each of an apparent change of m to l and t to l in the Northern.

s is frequently added, by some informants at least, to stems, usually after the stem, in the Southern dialect, and there is one case of c used in this manner. Neither of these relations appears in the Northern or the Western dialect.

All other sounds appear to be constant in the three dialects.

Thus it will be seen that the phonetic affinity between the Western and Southern dialects is, like the lexical, very close, while the Northern is much more separated phonetically as well as lexically from both of them.

Wintun.

Lexical Relationships.

Owing to the meagreness of the vocabulary of the Northerly dialect,Professor A. L. Kroeber, in his recent paper "The Dialectic Divisions of the Moquelumnan Family in Relation to the Internal Differentiation of the other Linguistic Families of California," Amer. Anthr. n. s., VIII, 655, 1906, distinguishes three primary divisions of the entire Wintun linguistic family, a northern, a central, and a southern, his central dialect being the same as the one here referred to as the northerly dialect within the territory under consideration in this paper. an adequate idea cannot be gained of the exact lexical dissimilarity of the Northerly and the Southerly dialects, but the dissimilarity of these two is very considerable; probably greater than between any two contiguous dialects of the other three stocks here under consideration. Within the Southerly dialectic area there are also differences between the language of the extreme south, and that of the northern part of the area in the vicinity of Indian and Little Stony creeks. These differences will probably, upon more extended investigation, prove sufficient to warrant a subdivision of this large area into two or possibly more subdialectic areas. The material now at hand is, however, inadequate to allow of a systematic study and classification of this territory into smaller areas. It is probable also that the language spoken in what has been here designated as the Northerly

― 110 ―

dialectic area will upon further investigation be found to have sufficient internal differences to warrant its separation into subdialects. The same is true of the language spoken in the extreme northern part of the Wintun territory, which apparently forms a dialect quite distinct from that which has been here designated as the Northerly dialect.

Phonetic Relationships.

Sounds.

The following sounds are found in the Wintun dialects:

Vowels:

a, ai, ē, e, ī, i, ō, o, ū, u, û.

Phonetic Variations.

Owing also to the meagreness of the Northerly vocabulary, combined with the dissimilarity of the roots in the Northerly and Southerly dailects, it is impossible to determine in full the phonetic relationships existing between them.

The most regular phonetic change found in the Wintun vocabularies is that of c in the Southerly to s in the Northerly dialect.

t or t in the Southerly sometimes changes to tc in the Northerly dialect, but there is one case of the reverse change in which tc in the Southerly changes to t in the Northerly.

There is also an indication that tc in the Southerly changes to k in the Northerly dialect, though only two such cases are found in the accompanying vocabularies.

― 111 ―

Yuki.

Lexical Relationship.

Owing to the limited and in part uncorroborated vocabularies at hand of the four Yuki dialects,Professor A. L. Kroeber in his "Dialectic Divisions of the Moquelumnan Family, etc.," op. cit., p. 654, distinguishes in addition to the four dialectic divisions of the Yuki certain minor divisions which have not yet been fully determined. particularly the Coast Yuki, anything like an exact statement of the lexical relationships of these is impossible. It is evident that the four dialects fall into two groups. The Yuki proper, the Huchnom, and the Coast Yuki form one group, all having a large majority of their roots in common and being quite different from the remaining dialect, the Wappo, which has a very considerable percentage of roots which are different from those of the other dialects named.

Notwithstanding the fact that the first group is subdivided territorially, the Coast Yuki being separated from the others by a narrow strip of Athapascan territory about Laytonville and Cahto, the three dialects are lexically related to one another in about an equal degree.

The main Wappo territory, however, was separated from the other Yuki territory lying nearest to it by about forty miles of mountainous country, thickly settled by people speaking other languages and hostile to the Yuki proper, thus making communication between the main Wappo and the main Yuki areas practically impossible. Further, this comparatively small area was surrounded on all sides by the territories of other linguistic families and the Wappo seem to have associated, to some extent at least, with most of their neighbors. Thus all circumstances tended to produce the dissimilarity found between the Wappo and the other Yuki dialects. The small Wappo area on Clear lake was somewhat nearer geographically to the main Yuki area, but there seems to have been no communication between them, and as the Clear Lake Wappo area appears to have been occupied only in more recent times, it having been settled chiefly by people from the Western Wappo subdialectic area, the differences between the language spoken here and the dialects of the main Yuki

― 112 ―

area are probably fully as great as those between the main Wappo and the main Yuki areas.

Within the main Wappo area there are four subdialects recognized by the Indians themselves, to say nothing of the language of the Clear Lake Wappo; but, so far as the vocabularies taken from each of these shows, the differences are so slight that it has been found unnecessary to give each of them in full. Owing to the fact that nearly all of the Indians of the greater part of this section have disappeared, it has been very difficult to obtain adequate material from all of these subdialects for comparison. From the southernmost area, the one in which Yountville is situated, only one very limited list of words could be obtained. From the other four areas fairly complete lists have been obtained. The differences between the subdialect of the Central area, the one in which Calistoga is situated, and the Western are practically negligible. The Northern, the area in which Middletown is situated, and the Clear lake area show greater differences as will be seen in the following list of the words from the Western, Northern, and Clear Lake subdialectic areas in which any marked differences of roots occur. The slightness of the differences among these subdialects is, however, evident from this list.

	Western	Northern	Clear Lake
31 white man	lai	lai, keu-kaiel	hūcīī
41 neck	hoaits	hūwalū
51 leg	t!a	tīa	lūlū
60 intestines	hame	hame	kīto
71 bow	lūka	lūkma
72 arrow	metse	tīwa	metse
78 string	tetī	tapa	leūma
140 Indian potato	awe	awe	mūn
142 mush	yeke	yeke	cōmō
175 woodpecker	palitc	palīya	panakThe Western and Northern Moquelumnan dialects also have panak.
177 turtle	mītci	mītci	lūtce
189 mosquito	tūtca	tatcma	tūtca
198 small	kūtīya	hūkūtīya	kūtīya
199 good	huciiya	tcīwīki	hūcīīya
202 sweet	tcūmeki	tcūmeki	hūcīnagase
204 dead person	tcōel	tcōel	matcalato
225 down	op	op	hop
269 see	naū-	naū-	peLa
279 give	tehesī	tehesī	mesī
280 laugh	kata	kata	katice

― 113 ―

Phonetic Relationships.

Sounds.

The following sounds are found in the Yuki dialects:

Vowels:

a, ai, ē, e, ī, i, ō, o, ū, u, û, aⁿ, aiⁿ, īⁿ, ōⁿ, ūⁿ.

Phonetic Variations.

Owing to the marked lexical dissimilarity between the Wappo and the other dialects, and also to the fact that the Coast Yuki is not adequately represented in the accompanying vocabularies, only a few characteristic phonetic changes among the Yuki dialects are shown, and these are not found in very many cases and should be taken more as indicative of what may be expected to be shown when larger vocabularies of these dialects are available.

Among the consonants there are but few changes which appear at all prominently, but among the vowels there are some changes which are quite strongly indicated. This is contrary to the usual relation found in the other stocks where as a rule vowels are constant and consonants change.

c and tc in the other dialects change to ts in Wappo in a very few cases.

k in other dialects changes to tc or ts in Wappo in several cases.

Of the phonetic changes which appear among vowels the following are the most conspicuous:

a in Yuki proper frequently changes to ē in the Coast Yuki dialect and the same change occurs somewhat less frequently between Huchnom and Coast Yuki.

ē in Huchnom changes frequently to ī in Yuki proper and occasionally to ī in Coast Yuki.

― 114 ―

There are several cases of ō in Yuki proper changing to ē in Coast Yuki.

ū in Huchnom changes frequently to a in Yuki proper and but little less frequently to ē in Coast Yuki. The changes of ū in Huchnom to ō in Yuki proper, and of ū in Huchnom to ī in Coast Yuki, are occasionally shown.

Relationships of the Linguistic Stocks.

As has been before stated, the four linguistic stocks here under consideration are completely different one from the other lexically, their separate classification depending entirely upon this complete difference. It is therefore impossible to make any comparison of lexical relationships among these stocks, the few words with common roots held by two or more of the stocks being due either to borrowing or to an onomatopoetic origin.

In considering the matter of borrowed words it is obvious that onomatopoetic words must be omitted, and in the accompanying vocabularies there are therefore but two hundred and four words which are admissible to comparison.Numerals, pronouns, onomatopoetic animal names, all the terms of relationship except those most commonly used, and words introduced from the Spanish have been omitted from consideration. Very few of these identical forms occur in more than one stock and but two, the words for medicine and dog, occur in all of the stocks, and these are not found in all of the dialects of each stock.

With the Pomo, the Moquelumnan seems to possess the greatest number of roots in common, there being in the Western Moquelumnan dialect seven words with roots in common with the Southwestern Pomo dialect, and six words with roots in common with both the Southern and the Northern Pomo. The Southern and the Northern Moquelumnan have fewer roots in common with these respective Pomo dialects, as is to be expected from their geographical position, Southern Moquelumnan, however, possessing practically twice as many as Northern. In view of the friendly relations existing between the Southeastern Pomo and the Northern Moquelumnan, and of their mingling at the southern shore of Lower lake, the southernmost arm of Clear

― 115 ―

lake, it is noteworthy that there is in the accompanying list no clear case of borrowing between these two.

On the other hand, the Northern Moquelumnan and the Southerly Wintun possess the largest number, twelve, of roots in common of any two of the dialects of the different stocks under consideration, which is also striking, as the two peoples were separated from each other by considerable distances and high mountain ranges.When questioned concerning the people of the Southerly Wintun territory which lies to the northeast, east, and southeast of them, informants of the Northern Moquelumnan dialectic area professed no knowledge of the country or the people in those directions except those at the villages on the upper course of Cache creek, that portion lying west of the main or what has been here designated as the inner range of the Coast Range mountains. The villages in this upper Cache creek area were comparatively near the northern part of the Moquelumnan territory and the Moquelumnan had a passing knowledge of them, but were unable to name any more distant Wintun villages, that is, any of the Wintun villages lying east of the mountains. They said that there were no people living in the direction of Sacramento valley for great distances and that the intervening region was such rough and mountainous country that they never traveled there and the people of that region never visited them in aboriginal times. They knew that people in those more remote parts spoke a language similar to that of the people along the upper course of Cache creek, but knew apparently very little about the language of any of the Wintun except that it was different from their own and from Pomo. Among the few remaining individuals of that portion of the Southerly Wintun region which lies wholly within the Sacramento valley proper, that is, exclusive of the upper Cache creek area, corresponding ignorance concerning the people in the region of the Northern Moquelumnan area was found. This mutual lack of knowledge is due very largely to the topography of the country. The Wintun territory lies chiefly to the east of the main range of the Coast Range mountains, the only exception to this being along the upper course of Cache creek, where a comparatively small area was held by people speaking the Southerly Wintun dialect. This main range of the Coast Range mountains is high and rugged as compared to the mountains separating the Northern Moquelumnan people from any of their other neighbors, and it appears that in former times the Northern Moquelumnan and the Wintun of the Sacramento valley had practically no communication whatever, since there would be no advantage to either so far as the obtaining of foods, etc., was concerned in such communication. In this same connection it should be noted that even with the Wintun who lived on the upper course of Cache creek, that portion lying west of the main range of the Coast Range, there was, notwithstanding the close linguistic affinity, very little communication with their Sacramento valley neighbors, except on the occasions of ceremonies when Indians from comparatively remote sections congregated for celebrations. The mountains here seem to have imposed a barrier to any frequent and regular communication between the Sacramento valley and the Clear lake regions, the Sacramento valley peoples associating one with another in a direction parallel to the trend of this range of mountains, while the peoples to the west, in the Clear lake drainage, associated similarly together. The Western Moquelumnan also possess a comparatively large number, ten, of roots in common with the

― 116 ―

Southerly Wintun, which is a noteworthy circumstance since these two dialects are separated from each other by dialects which possess fewer words in common with one or the other respectively.

Loan words are almost entirely lacking in the Yuki dialects except in the Wappo, in common with which the Northern Pomo possesses five, the Eastern Pomo three, and the Southwestern and Southeastern Pomo four each; while the Western Moquelumnan and the Southern Wintun possess four and three respectively.

In the cases of borrowing above discussed there are but few in which the direction of the borrowing can be even provisionally asserted by virtue of the occurrence of the root in question in all or most of the dialects of one stock and in but one or two dialects of the other stock. There appear to be three clear cases of borrowing by the Wappo; one of a Pomo root, bird, one of a Moquelumnan root, father's brother, and one of a root, clam, common to both Pomo and Moquelumnan. The Moquelumnan seem to have borrowed one root, trout, from the Pomo, while the reverse is true of one root, infant. The Southerly Wintun have apparently borrowed four roots, lake, pepperwood, manzanita, and angelica, from the Moquelumnan, while the reverse is true of only one root, buzzard. However, as has been previously stated, the present vocabularies embrace in the main only a selected list of the most common words to be found in any language, and therefore words which would be most likely to remain constant throughout long periods of independent association of one people with another, and any considerable number of borrowed roots is naturally not to be expected under such conditions. However, from the comparatively few cases present it would appear that the Pomo has given to and not borrowed from other stocks, and that Wappo has borrowed from all of the other three. In the cases of the other stocks it is impossible at present to say, except provisionally, in which direction the borrowing has been. Undoubtedly more extended vocabularies would show greater numbers of roots in common among these stocks, particularly roots of words pertaining to objects and conditions of a local nature, but in no case is it probable that a sufficient number of common roots will ever be found to show the least genetic relationships between any two of the stocks.

― 117 ―

Sounds.

The four languages here under consideration show no differences in the vowels used in each except in the case of Yuki, which has, in addition to the vowels found in the others, certain nasalized vowels. All the linguistic stocks have e, i, o, u, both open and closed, and also a and û, besides the vowel diphthong ai. To these Yuki, excepting the Wappo dialect, adds the following nasalized vowels: aⁿ, aiⁿ, īⁿ, ōⁿ, and ūⁿ.

Among the consonants, however, a greater diversity is shown. In Pomo the consonants are distributed throughout the greater number of the possible positions from post-palatal to labial, the predominating sounds being in the post-palatal and the alveolar regions, and both surd and sonant being present in most positions. The same is true of Moquelumnan, which however lacks certain of the sounds found in Pomo, namely, z, f, r and r, but has the unusual s. Wintun shows a striking lack of sounds made on the back part of the palate, k being the only post-palatal present. The predominating sounds are in the alveolar region; and here are found the unusual sounds s, L, l and L. Yuki shows a greater number of the post-palatal sounds than Wintun, but not so great a number as Pomo or Moquelumnan. Yuki also has a normal number of the sounds made about the alveolar region.

In all of these languages, except Pomo, stopped sounds are much more common than open ones. In some the ratio is even as great as eight to three, but in Pomo the numbers of stopped and open sounds are more nearly equal. All of these linguistic families except Wintun, have the three nasal sonants ñ, n and m. The first, which is lacking in Wintun, is due to the influence of k which always follows it. Wintun has four lateral consonants, l, l, L and L, Pomo and Moquelumnan possess three l, L and L. while Yuki has also three, l, l and L. Inverted consonants seem to be restricted to Pomo and Wintun. In each of these languages the numbers of sonants and surds are about equal. the differences between these numbers never being greater than one or two.

Geographical Divisions

― 118 ―

Pomo.

The name Pomo, as the designation of a linguistic family,Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 112) gives Pomo as the name of a people living on the west branch of Russian river, but does not apply this or any other name to the Indians of the region as a whole. we owe to Stephen Powers.In his opening chapter on the Pomo, Powers says: "Under this name are included a great number of tribes or little bands—sometimes one in a valley, sometimes more—clustered in the region where the head-waters of the Eel and Russian rivers interlace, along the latter and around the estuaries of the coast. Below Calpella they do not call themselves Pomo, but their languages include them in this large family." (Tribes of Cal., p. 146.) He includes under the head of "true Pomo" also the people in the region about Cahto (ibid., p. 150) who have been shown by Professor P. E. Goddard to be of Athapascan stock (see note 97). He also includes the people in the Clear lake region except those about the lower end of Clear lake, namely, those about Lower and East lakes. He says: "In the Clear Lake Basin the Indians may be divided into two main bodies, those on the west side and those on the east side. On the west they are related in language slightly to the Pomo; on the east, equally slightly to the Patwin. . . . Big Valley and Kobb Valley were the principal abode of the western lacustrine tribes; Höschla Island and the narrow shore adjacent that of the eastern." It will be seen, therefore, that with the exception of including the people of Cahto and the few Wappo on the southern shore of Clear lake, and excluding the people living about East and Lower lakes, Powers' statements concerning the northern part of the territory occupied by the Pomo are approximately correct. The map accompanying his volume does not, however, follow the boundaries described in his text. Beginning on the coast at a point a short distance south of Ten-Mile river, the northern line of the Pomo area according to this map runs in a southeasterly direction in such a manner as to entirely omit any portion of the Eel river drainage from the Pomo area. Presumably in an endeavor to more nearly follow Powers' text, which not only includes certainly the people of Cahto valley among the Pomo, but also provisionally those living farther down the south fork of Eel river and along the coast about Usal creek, Powell in his map of the "Indian Linguistic families of America North of Mexico" shows two Pomo (Kulanapan) areas, a southern, substantially the same as that on the map accompanying Powers' volume, and a northern, much smaller and embracing the territory along the south fork of Eel river and about Usal creek, the two areas being separated by an unbroken Yuki territory stretching from the crest of the Coast range to the ocean. The work of Professor A. L. Kroeber shows that the Yuki held an area along the coast in this vicinity, but that it was not continuous with the main Yuki area in and about Round valley; and further, that Powell's Pomo (Kulanapan) area north of the Yuki is incorrect. Amer. Anthr., n. s., V, 729. However, as is outlined in the portion of this paper dealing with the Northeastern dialect, the Pomo did occupy a second area, but lying east instead of north of the main one. The word occurs in the Northern dialect of this stock with the general meaning of village, and as a rule follows the names of the various villages to form the complete place name, as canē'-kai pōmō, sweat-house-valley village.

― 119 ―

The word was also used as the name of one particular villageSee Pomo, p. 140. in Potter valley at the source of the east fork of Russian river, and is perpetuated in Pomo postoffice, situated only a short distance from the site of the old Indian village. When used with the signification of village in general, the word is perhaps a little more frequently pronounced pō'ma than pō'mō, as: canē'-kai pō'ma, sweat-house-valley village (this is also called by other informants canē'-kai pō'mō). However, neither pō'mō nor pō'ma can be asserted to be the only correct or standard pronunciation, for one is nearly as often used as the other. The first author to apply a name to any of the Indians forming part of this linguistic family was George Gibbs,Schoolcraft, III, 421. from whose Kulanapo Major J. W. Powell, following his principles of nomenclature, made the stock name Kulanapan.Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico, 7th Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1885-86, p. 87. Kūla'napō, or more exactly kūLa'napō, was at the time of Gibbs' visit to the region the name given to one group of people living in Big valley on the southern shore of the main body of Clear lake. Neither Pomo nor Kulanapan, nor in fact any other name, is known to the Indians as a general name for themselves as a linguistic stock, since, as has already been pointed out, they recognize almost no linguistic or political affinities beyond immediately neighboring villages. Pomo is the term that has been most generally used by the whitesIn addition to Powers, who uses Pomo as the name of the stock and also as part of the names of his various divisions of it, as "Kula Kai Pomo, Ballo Kai Pomo," and so on, it has been used by Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 448, 449), Powell (Ind. Ling. Fam., p. 88), Kroeber (Univ. Cal. Publ., Am. Arch. Eth., II, 152 seq.), Mason (Aborig. Amer. Basketry, Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus. for 1902, p. 326 seq., 1904), Hudson (Overland Month., XXI, 561, XXX, 101), Purdy (Land of Sunshine, XV, 438), and others. In addition to its being the name commonly used in print it is also popularly used in speaking of this particular people, their customs, basketry, and so on. and is now in common use in both scientific and popular literature, and it seems advisable to retain it.

The territory of the Pomo is divided into two parts: a main area, situated between the ocean and the main Coast Range, and covering portions of Mendocino, Lake, and Sonoma counties; and a smaller, detached area, lying wholly within the drainage of the

― 120 ―

Sacramento river, and covering small portions of Colusa and Glenn counties.

Boundaries.The boundaries here given are those of the main Pomo area. For the boundaries of the isolated Northeastern area see the section devoted to the geography of this dialect.

Beginning on the coast at a point a short distance south of the southern end of Cleone beach, the boundary of the main Pomo area runs in an easterly direction, passes about three miles north of Sherwood station, and thence, crossing Outlet creek, runs to the top of the ridge separating the drainages of Outlet and Tomki creeks. North of this portion of the boundary lie the Coast Yuki, the Athapascan and a portion of the Yukian Huchnom areas. The boundary then runs in a general southeasterly direction along the ridge between Outlet and Tomki creeks to the western side of Potter valley. Here it takes again an easterly course and crosses the head of the valley to the ridge on the eastern side, along which it runs for a few miles; thence, turning in a northeasterly direction, it passes on the north side of Big Horse mountain; thence, turning in a southeasterly direction, it runs along the ridge separating the drainage of the Rice fork of South Eel river from that of Middle creek; thence along the high ridge east of Clear lake to Cache creek at a point about four miles from its source, the southern extremity of Lower lake, the southernmost arm of Clear lake. This portion of the boundary follows the general trend of the mountain ranges of the region, northwest and southeast, and separates the Pomo from Yuki and Wintun territory. From this point the line runs in a general west-southwesterly direction, following Cache creek, to the lake, and thence, for a distance of about eight miles, to a point on the summit of the range separating the drainage of Clear lake from that of Putah creek, near the headwaters of Cole creek. Here the line turns in a southerly direction and follows the range to Cobb mountain, where it again turns in a southwesterly direction, runs through the foot-hills to Russian river valley, and, crossing the river at a point about three miles up stream from the town of Geyserville, runs to the ridge between Dry creek and Russian river. Here it turns in a southeasterly

― 121 ―

direction, following this ridge, and recrosses the river at the great bend about five miles east of the town of Healdsburg; and thence, keeping the same direction, runs to a point between the headwaters of Santa Rosa and Sonoma creeks. East of this very irregular line are the territories of the northern Moquelumnan and the Yukian Wappo. From this point it runs in a general westerly direction along the water-shed which separates the drainage of Russian river from that of San Pablo bay, thus passing but a short distance north of the town of Cotati.The mountains in this part of the bay region are much lower than those farther north. The divide between the Russian river and San Pablo bay drainages is no more than a swell in the floor of a broad valley and is almost imperceptible as one passes over it. The line then runs through the low range on the western side of Santa Rosa valley to the headwaters of Salmon creek, which it follows down to the coast at a point about three miles north of Bodega Head. This portion of the boundary is all that can be considered as the true southern boundary of the Pomo area. The Southern and Western Moquelumnan areas adjoin the Pomo on the south. The western boundary is the shore-line of the ocean. All the territory included within the boundaries just outlined is Pomo, except the very small Clear Lake Wappo area which is entirely surrounded by Pomo territory.

To the north of this Pomo area are the Coast Yuki, Athapascan, Huchnom, and Yuki proper areas; on the east are the Southerly Wintun, the Northern Moquelumnan, and the Yukian Wappo areas; on the south the Southern and Western Moquelumnan areas; and on the west is the ocean.

Divisions.

The main Pomo area covers portions of the four natural divisions previously defined: the coast, the redwood belt, the valley, and the lake regions, each well marked off by the topography of the country. The particular portions of these four divisions occupied by the Pomo are as follows:

The coast division is chiefly confined to a very narrow strip of habitable land lying immediately adjacent to the shore-line

― 122 ―

of the ocean. This strip consists of a gently sloping shelf extending from the foothills to the shore-line, which, throughout almost its entire length, is formed by rocky cliffs. A dense redwood forest begins at the foothills and extends eastward; but the coastal shelf is only sparsely wooded, there being small groves of a species of pine, Pinus Muricata, where any timber appears. The food supply is essentially the same as that previously mentioned of the coast of the entire region. The open portions of this coast-shelf were formerly covered with native grasses and bulbous and seed plants, which furnished numerous vegetable foods; but the chief and most characteristic food of the people of this division was molluscs. Off the shore in many places are rocks which furnished molluscs of several sorts, especially mussels, and abalones, Haliotis. At the mouths of the many streams which empty into the ocean are sandy beaches which afforded favorable fishing places.

The valley division comprises: first, the entire drainage basin of Russian river, between eighty and ninety miles in length if measured in an air line, except a small area near Healdsburg and Geyserville on the lower course of the main stream and a still smaller area near Centerville at the source of the east fork, which were held respectively by the Wappo and the Huchnom or Tatu, both of Yuki stock; second, the upper drainage of Outlet creek, an affluent of South Eel river; and third, small valleys on Rancheria, Anderson, and Indian creeks, tributaries of Navarro river, as also numerous small valleys throughout the adjacent mountains. Within this area were many sparsely wooded valleys, both large and small, almost all of which were permanently inhabited. Here were to be found acorns, grass and other seeds, bulbs, and various other vegetable foods in abundance. The neighboring hills furnished game of all sorts, and at certain seasons there was an abundance of fish in the streams.

The lake region comprises the entire drainage basin of Clear lake except the southernmost extremity of Lower lake.According to current local terminology, four well marked divisions of Clear lake, separated one from another by straits, are known as Upper, Clear, East, and Lower lakes, and the name Clear lake is sometimes used of only one of these divisions, the largest and central, and sometimes, as by geographers, of the whole body. The Indians usually speak of the four separately. Clear lake is called by the people speaking the Eastern dialect, xa-bati'n, water (lake) big, and by those speaking the Southeastern dialect, xa-bīte'n, which is simply a dialectic variant of the Eastern name. The Northern Pomo generally speak of it as cō'-katū, east lake; but those of Scott's valley who owned its western shore usually called it xa'-matō, water big. Upper lake is quite universally called xa'-kaiyaū, lake head, this part of the lake being considered as the upper end and head of the entire body of water. East lake is called by the people of the Southeastern dialectic area e'lem-xawai. No name was obtained for Lower lake. On

― 123 ―

the shores of this large body of water were fertile, sparsely wooded areas producing an abundance of vegetable food, while the lake itself provided fish and water-birds, and the hills abounded in deer and other game animals. The village sites in this region were confined almost entirely to the immediate shores of the lake and to the islands in it.

In addition to these three inhabited areas, there is a fourth which was almost uninhabited except at certain seasons of the year, and then only to a very limited extent. This is the belt of dense redwood forest covering the coast mountains, and extending as an almost continuous forest from Mt. Tamalpais on the northern shore of San Francisco bay northward beyond the limits of the territory under consideration. This belt of timber, varying from a few miles in width at the mouth of Russian river to about twenty miles at Big river, forms a natural divide between the coast and valley regions. These redwood-covered mountains are quite steep, and in aboriginal times were traversable only with difficulty except along a few trails. There were many villages along the eastern border of the belt of timber and even some permanent villages in more favorable localities within it, as along Gualala river in the territory of the Southwestern Pomo. In a great measure, however, the whole belt was uninhabited except for camps in the small open valleys where hunting and food gathering parties remained for a short time at certain seasons.

While Pomo speaking six distinct dialects were distributed over these four topographical areas, it must be observed that the dialectic divisions did not at all conform to the topographical ones. The area of the Northern dialect extended over all four of the topographic divisions; the Central dialectic area included coast, redwood belt, and valley; the Southwestern area was confined

― 124 ―

to the redwood and coast divisions; the Southern area to the redwood and valley divisions; and the Eastern and Southeastern areas lay wholly within the lake region. On the other hand, the range of certain cultural features, which were directly dependent on physical environment, conformed very closely to the topographic divisions. The typical dwellings of the coast were conical in form and constructed of slabs of redwood bark; those in the valleys were usually rectangular or circular in ground plan with a frame of willow poles and thatch of grass; and those of the lake region were generally elliptical, with a pole frame and tule thatch. On the coast the chief means of travel by water was a raft of logs tied together with vines or other binding material; in the valleys no water travel was possible except on one or two lagoons; while in the lake region a serviceable canoe or balsa was made from the tule which is found there in great abundance. There are also certain slight differences in some of the other features of the material culture of the various parts of this region which serve to separate the divisions.

Sacramento Valley Pomo.

As this isolated area is occupied entirely by Pomo speaking the Northeastern dialect, the consideration of its boundaries and physical and other features will be taken up when discussing the Northeastern dialectic area.

Northern Dialect.

Boundaries.

Beginning on the coast at a point a short distance south of the southern end of Cleone beach, the boundary of the Northern Pomo area runs in an easterly direction, passes about three miles north of Sherwood station, and thence, crossing Outlet creek, runs to the top of the ridge separating the drainages of Outlet and Tomki creeks. From this point it runs in a southeasterly direction along this ridge to the western side of Potter valley on the headwaters of the east fork of Russian river. At this point it takes again an easterly course, crossing the head of the valley to the ridge on the eastern side, along which it runs

― 125 ―

for a few miles; thence, turning in a northeasterly direction, it passes on the north side of Big Horse mountain; thence, turning in a southeasterly direction, it runs for a short distance along the ridge separating the drainage of Rice fork of South Eel river from that of Middle creek. To this point the boundary of this dialect is also the inter-stock boundary and divides it from the Coast Yuki, Athapascan, Yukian Huchnom, and Yuki proper areas to the north. From here, taking a southerly course, the boundary passes along the ridge immediately west of Middle creek, passing but a short distance east of Tule lake; and thence along the ridge which lies west of Upper lake, the northernmost arm of Clear lake, to a point, known as Rocky point, on the western shore of the strait joining Upper lake with the main body of Clear lake. The people speaking the Northern dialect held possession of the shore of Clear lake from this point south nearly to the town of Lakeport, a distance of about five and one-half miles. From the town of Lakeport the line runs in a general southerly direction to the summit of the ridge south of the southern headwaters of Scott's creek, and thence a short distance in a westerly direction to the ridge separating the drainage of Clear lake from that of Russian river. This portion of the boundary separates the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas. From this point the boundary extends in a northwesterly direction along this ridge, passes over Red mountain, and thence probably to the ridge south of Mill creek, where it takes a westerly course down into Russian river valley.There is some doubt as to the exact position of the boundary in Ukiah valley. Some informants hold that the boundary runs across the valley as far south as Robertson creek, others that it follows down Robertson creek from the west, thence up Russian river to a point at or a little north of the confluence of Mill creek with it, where it turns eastward and runs to the summit of the range at the head of Mill creek and thence southward along this range. Others say that it runs directly across the valley at Doolan creek. Still others on the other hand hold that it crossed the valley north of the town of Ukiah, some placing it at Ackerman creek, while others place it even as far north as a point about half a mile north of the confluence of the east fork of Russian river with the main stream. In this connection it should be noted that all seem to agree that in the period shortly before the occupation of the country by the whites the region about Ukiah and northward was occupied by people speaking the Northern dialect. One informant from the yō'kaia rancheria (Central dialect) says that originally his people owned all the territory in Ukiah valley as far north as a point about half a mile north of the confluence of the east fork with the main branch of Russian river, or a distance of about five and a half miles north of the town of Ukiah. For some reason, which he did not know, the people of the Northern dialectic division had been allowed to occupy the portion of the valley about Ukiah and northward. When the informant was a small boy, probably about 1830 or 1835, there arose a difference between the Central yō'kaia and the kō'mlī, one of the Northern villages on the town site of Ukiah, which resulted in the yō'kaia driving the kō'mlī out. (The movements of these people are further detailed under the head of kō'mlī, p. 138.) An informant belonging to the Northern dialectic group says, on the other hand, that his people formerly held this valley down to about four miles south of Ukiah. A difference arose between them and the yō'kaia people which resulted in war and finally victory for the yō'kaia. Thereafter the people speaking the Northern dialect owned only to a line about two miles and a half south of Ukiah. Still other informants of the Eastern dialectic group as well as others of the Northern and Central groups place the boundary about at this point, and in view of the great diversity of opinion concerning it it seems best to place it provisionally as given on the accompanying map: as running across the valley along a line about two miles and a half south of Ukiah. It would seem that Powers also obtained information to the effect that the territory of the Central dialectic group extended into the northern part of Ukiah valley. In speaking of the "Yokaia," he says: "They occupied the fertile and picturesque valley of Russian river from a point a little below Calpello down to a point seven miles below Ukiah."—Tribes of Cal., p. 163. Still keeping its

― 126 ―

westerly course, it runs across the valley to the summit of the ridge on the west; thence, turning in a southeasterly direction, it follows the ridge to a point near the head of Feliz creek and about due east of Boonville. From here it runs for a very short distance in a southwesterly direction and then, turning due west, crosses Anderson valley about a mile and a half south of Boonville, and continuing in the same direction finally runs to the summit of the ridge immediately west of Rancheria creek. It then follows up this ridge, in a general northwesterly direction, to a point about opposite the confluence of the north fork of Navarro river with the main stream, where it turns in a northerly direction, crosses Navarro river only a short distance down stream from the confluence of the north fork with it, and runs to the ridge, known as Navarro ridge, which separates Navarro river from Salmon creek on the north. It then runs in a westerly direction down this ridge to the ocean. All of this portion of the boundary, which is very irregular, separates the Northern from the Central dialectic area. The western boundary of this dialectic area is the coast-line.

This very irregularly shaped area of the Northern dialect is contiguous on the north to the Coast Yuki, the Athapascan and

― 127 ―

the Yukian Huchnom areas. At the northeastern angle of the area, the territory of the Yuki proper adjoins it. On the east the territory of the Northern is adjacent to that of the Eastern Pomo, and on the south to that of the Central Pomo. On the west is the ocean. This is territorially the largest of the dialectic areas of the Pomo.

General Description.

All four of the physiographic divisions previously described, the coast, the redwood belt, the valley, and the lake region, are represented in the Northern dialectic area.

The whole coast territory of this dialectic area has an extent of about twenty miles, from Cleone beach, the northern limit of the dialect, to its southern boundary, the summit of the ridge separating Salmon creek from Navarro river. For the greater part of this distance a gently sloping shelf extends from the cliffs along the shore back to the timber line, a distance of from one-half to two miles. This coastal shelf is quite open, with here and there stretches of a species of pine, Pinus muricata, and other small trees and shrubs. Practically all the villages in this coast strip were near the shore.

The redwood belt stretches eastward from the coast, as a densely wooded area from ten to about twenty miles in width. There were, so far as can be ascertained, no permanent villages within this area, and it was traversable only with the greatest difficulty except along two or three trails.

The valley region in this Northern dialectic area is composed mainly of the territory drained by the upper course of Russian river, extending from a point probably about two and one-half miles south of the town of Ukiah, in Ukiah valley, northward to the sources of the river. This territory consists of several valleys separated from one another by canyons. From where the southern boundary of the dialect crosses the river, Ukiah valley extends up to the junction of the east fork of Russian river with the main stream. From this point up to the confluence of Cold creek with the east fork the valley is known as Coyote valley, and

― 128 ―

from the mouth of Cold creek up to the head of the east fork it is called Potter valley.Coyote valley, cō'dakai, does not begin exactly at the mouth of the east fork, but, for about a mile above, the stream flows in a canyon. The valley proper is about three miles in length, and narrows at Fort Brown into a canyon which extends up the river to the mouth of the small stream above Cold creek. The valley, called Potter valley, extending from this point northward almost to the headwaters of the east fork, is very fertile. The Indian name of this valley in general use is balō'-kai, oat valley, but djūhū'la-kai, and gūhū'la-xaxō, both signifying north valley, are used by the Northern and Eastern Pomo respectively, living to the southward and southeastward. At the extreme head of Potter valley is the only territory on the upper course of Russian river which was not occupied by the Pomo. This was the very small territory controlled by the Yukian Huchnom, also called Tatu, who had a single village at the extreme head of the valley. But, although the Pomo did not own this area or possess recognized rights upon it, the Huchnom nevertheless were on such friendly terms with them as in no way to restrict them in their use of it. It would seem that the Huchnom always affiliated with the Pomo rather than with the Yuki proper, to whom they are closely related linguistically, and that their general culture was nearer that of the Pomo than that of the Yuki.

The region from the town of Calpella up to the headwaters of the main stream is known as Redwood valley.Strictly speaking, Redwood valley is located as above stated. Locally, however, the term is made to include the narrow valley which extends from a short distance south of the confluence of Mill creek with Forsythe creek southward to the confluence of the two branches of the river at a point a short distance north of the town of Calpella; as also the very low flat-topped divide separating the two valleys thus formed on the branches of the river. On Forsythe creek is situated a small valley, called Walker valley, which name is also given to the postoffice and old stage station there. In addition to the valleys on Russian river, there are three others in this area: Little Lake valley,Little Lake or Willits valley, called by the Indians mto'm-kai or bito'm-kai, is situated on the headwaters of Outlet creek. It was first mentioned by Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 115), who says: "This valley, which the Indians called Betumki, or big plains, is eight or ten miles long and four or five wide." Later (p. 634) he spells the name "Betumke." Various other orthographies have been used by other writers. Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 155) speaks of the people of this valley as "the Mi-toam' Kai Po-mo (Wooded Valley People)," which name is also used by Powell (op. cit., p. 88). Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 448) calls them "Matomey Ki Pomos" and "Betumkes," and Alley, Bowen and Company (op. cit., p. 167), upon the authority of the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood, use "Ma-tom-kai" as the name of the valley, translating it "big valley." The town of Willits is situated in the upper or southern end of the valley, and Little lake lies at the northern end. The valley itself is large and very fertile, and formerly supported a considerable Indian population. This valley should not be confused with that lying along what is now called Tomki creek, which is to the east. Tomki comes from the Pomo name for Little Lake valley, but has been applied by the whites to an entirely different valley and creek. located on Outlet creek, a

― 129 ―

tributary of South Eel river, Sherwood valley,Along its middle course Outlet creek is joined from the west by Curley Cow creek. This stream waters Sherwood valley, a fertile valley about three miles in length and from a quarter to a half mile in width. The old stage station at Sherwood is situated about half a mile from the lower or eastern end of the valley and about the same distance north of the present railway station at Sherwood. located on Curley Cow creek, a tributary of Outlet creek, and Anderson valley, on the headwaters of Navarro river.One of the headwaters of Navarro river is Anderson creek along which lies Anderson valley, which is about eight miles in length and varies in width up to a mile. It lies along the extreme eastern border of the redwood belt. Anderson valley is one of the extreme southern portions of the Northern dialectic area.

In the lake region the Pomo of the Northern dialect occupied a limited area, consisting of the valley about Tule lake,Tule lake, the Eastern Pomo name of which according to one informant is naū'axai, is a body of shallow water about two miles long by three-quarters of a mile wide, lying northwest of Upper lake, the northern arm of Clear lake, and connected with it by a creek navigable to a canoe for a short distance from the latter. This stream is a continuation of Scott's creek, which empties into Tule lake on its western margin. On the northern and western shores of Tule lake, and extending northwestward for about five miles along an affluent stream, is a narrow valley known as Bachelor valley. The name xaiya'ū xaxō, from xaiya'ū, head, and xaxō, valley, is the name given by the people speaking the Eastern Pomo dialect to the entire area about Upper and Tule lakes, though the name xaiya'ū or kaiya'ū has been incorrectly given by some informants as the name of a village in this vicinity, as it is also by Slocum, Bowen and Company, who, in their History of Napa and Lake Counties (Lake County, p. 34), give the following information on the authority of Augustine, a captain of one of the divisions of the people in Big valley at the southern end of the main body of Clear lake, from notes made in 1880 or 1881: "The Ki-ou tribe had their rancheria at the west end of Tule lake, and at the time of the coming of the white settlers they numbered one hundred and twenty. The name of their chief is (or was) Ba-cool-ah. . . . The tribe now numbers only about forty." Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Ki-ou, head of the Lake people." The Northern Pomo name of this locality is cīna'l-kai, which has the same signification as xaiya'u-xaxō, and a Wintun informant from Cache creek gave masū't as the name of Bachelor valley. To the east of Tule lake is a low divide through which Scott's creek flows to Upper lake. This divide formed the boundary between the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas, except at the point where the creek cuts through, at which point the territory of the Northern dialect extended into the valley of Upper lake, the old village of maiyī' marking its eastern limit. the greater part of the western shore of the main body of Clear lake, and Scott's valleyScott's valley, lying to the west of the low range of hills along the western shore of Clear lake, is a long narrow valley which extends from a point on Scott's creek about a mile southwest of the town of Lakeport to the southern end of Blue lakes and thence to Tule lake. The widest and most fertile part of the valley is its upper half. The people inhabiting this valley held possession of the low range separating it from Clear lake, and also of a section of the lake-shore from Rocky point, on the western shore of the channel connecting the main body of Clear lake with Upper lake, southward nearly to the town of Lakeport. At the extreme head of Scott's creek, and at a point about two miles north of Red mountain, is a small valley called Eight-mile valley. The portion of the lake-shore above mentioned and Eight-mile valley are always given by the Indians as part of the territory belonging to the Scott's valley people. Blue lakes above mentioned are three small, but very deep, lakes situated in a narrow steep-walled canyon extending northwestward from the main canyon of Scott's creek, and draining into that stream. The lowest of the three lakes is called by the whites Wambold's lake, and the upper two, which are connected by a comparatively broad channel, have received the name Twin lakes. The Indians, however, name each separately, as follows: Wambold's lake is called xa'-silīū or xala'-xatū, clam lake; the lower of the Twin lakes is called dilē'-xa, middle water, and the upper has received the name xa'-cīnal, water (lake) head, which is a term applied with equal propriety to the head of any lake, as Upper lake, which is regarded as the head of Clear lake. The canyon in which Blue lakes are situated is not spacious enough to have accommodated a very large population, but the abundance of fish and water birds in and about these lakes would naturally have attracted at least some Indians had it not been for the fear of a fabulous monster which inhabited them. Several myths are told about these lakes and their much dreaded monster. A summary of one of these follows: There was once a village near the junction of the outlet of Blue lakes with Scott's creek, Blue lakes being then only a spring. At this village lived a virgin who busied herself making a large and extraordinarily elaborate burden basket, but who kept her labor secret from all except her brother, who lived in an adjoining house. He assisted her by procuring quail plumes and woodpecker scalps, and by making shell beads to be used on the basket. When the basket was yet far from completion a male child was born to the virgin. She secretly hid him away, but her brother heard him cry, for he kept crying constantly, and finally came with bow and arrows to kill him, believing that he was not a human being. The brother finally found the child, whose name is given as Tsada't, but before he could destroy him, Tsada't spoke up and told him that he was not a human being and must not be killed. He then instructed the brother and sister to place him in the spring, first putting a red feathered basket on his head, a net about his body, a bead belt about his waist, strings of beads about his neck, and a feather belt about his head. Having done as Tsada't had directed, they were then told to return on the following day with the unfinished basket, some arrows and other articles, which were also to be placed in the water. Before dismissing them, however, Tsada't gave the brother a medicine song which would preserve them from destruction when visiting the spring, and told them that they must upon no condition look back when leaving the spring. Upon returning the next morning they found that the spring had enlarged and covered a considerable area. Tsada't had grown to be a huge monster, called Bagi'l, and lay always in the shallow water in plain view. The brother and sister followed the instructions given them and placed the basket and four arrows in the lakes. Madū'mda, the chief deity, came by the lakes next morning and told Bagi'l that to lie there in sight of passers-by would be unsafe for human beings, and then gave him songs which should serve to enlarge the lakes, saying that he must enlarge the lakes and then build a comfortable abode for himself back among the roots by the shore, and thus keep out of sight. Accordingly Bagi'l sang the songs and the water rose till it nearly reached the summit of the ridge on the north at the head of the canyon; but Madū'mda again appeared and this time stopped Bagi'l from increasing the water further. Bagi'l then sang and deepened the lakes, made them very deep, and the water settled to its present level. People were then instructed never to go near the lakes and never to eat any fish or game from them. Thereafter when it became necessary to pass near these lakes the Indians avoided looking toward the lakes for fear that either the basket or Bagi'l might rise to the surface of the water and thus cause serious illness. The same practice is followed by the older people at present. Notwithstanding the presence of this monster and the dread of the vicinity, it is considered to be a most excellent medicine (charm) if a person is able to swim across one of these lakes, which is a possible feat provided he knows the proper songs. Should he fail, however, death is the certain result. In connection with this Indian account it is interesting to note the recent finding by Professor R. S. Holway (Science n. s. XXVI, 382, 1907) of a former connection of the waters of Blue lakes and Scott's creek with those of Russian river. According to Professor Holway these waters formerly drained into Russian river by way of Cold creek but were in comparatively recent prehistoric time diverted to the Clear lake drainage by a landslide which formed the ridge mentioned in the myth and which now stands about one hundred and sixty feet above the lovel of the lakes themselves. lying along Scott's creek.

― 130 ―

The food supply of the various parts of this dialectic area is typical of the entire region under consideration, and, as has been previously stated, is about as follows: The coast people speaking this dialect depended chiefly upon the ocean for their food supply, fish and molluscs forming two of the most important articles of food. The vegetable food came from the seeds, roots and bulbs of the grasses and flowering and bulbous plants of the coastal shelf and from the oaks of the adjacent mountains. The chief food of the people in the valley region was the acorn, while other vegetable foods were provided by the wild grasses and bulbous plants. Game was abundant in the mountains, and fish were plentiful in the streams at certain seasons of the year. The

― 131 ―

food supply of the people of the lake region was similar to that of the valley people, except that to it was added the constant supply of fish and water birds found at the lakes.

Coast Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

In the coast region of the Northern dialectic area there are but three sites that are at present inhabited by Indians: one at the town of Fort Bragg, another at Noyo, and the third at Little River.

Fort Bragg, just outside the northwestern limit of the town of Fort Bragg and about half a mile from the shore-line of the

― 132 ―

ocean. There were formerly five houses here and perhaps twenty people, most of whom came from the old villages in Little Lake and Sherwood valleys. During 1903, however, the majority of these people moved to the site of the old Noyo mill, leaving but two families at the Fort Bragg village. The inhabitants of this village as well as those of the other two along the coast above mentioned have made this vicinity their home almost constantly since the discontinuance of the Mendocino reservation in 1867.

Noyo, on the site of the old saw-mill on the north bank of Noyo river near its mouth. These people have only occupied this place since 1903, having come here from Fort Bragg. There are here about fifteen persons.

Little River, on a low ridge just south of Little river, about fourteen miles south of Fort Bragg. This village contains two houses and about six inhabitants who came originally from Sherwood and Little Lake valleys.

Old Village Sites.The original inhabitants of this portion of the coast region have almost entirely disappeared and it has been possible to obtain accurate information concerning only the more important and well known of the old village sites.

kadī'ū, on the north bank of Noyo riverThe Indian name of Noyo river was tce'mli-bida, while nō'yō-bida is the name which was applied to Pudding creek, north of Fort Bragg. The late Mr. A. E. Sherwood mentions the same names, applying them to the same streams. He says: "`Noy-o' was the name applied by the Indians to what is now known as Pudding creek, just north of Fort Bragg, while `Chem-ne-be-dah' was the name of the stream now called Noyo river." Alley, Bowen and Company, op. cit., p. 168. and close to the cliffs at the shore-line. This site is only a short distance from the southern limit of the old Mendocino reservation and is very near the site of the headquarters of the reservation. Captain H. L. Ford, who was the first agent at and virtually established the Mendocino reservation, says that at the time of his arrival in 1856 there were two or three hundred Indians who claimed this vicinity as their home; "they were called Chebal-na-Poma, Chedil-na-Poma, and Camebell-Poma."Mendocino War, op. cit., p. 15. He does not state just where these people lived, but it is probable that these are the names of three different villages on or near the land covered by

― 133 ―

the reservation which extended from Hare river south of Fort Bragg northward to a small stream about a mile north of Tenmile river, a total distance of about eleven miles.

tca'dam or tcatam, on top of the ridge just south of Caspar creek and at a distance of about a mile from the shore-line. This name was also applied to Caspar creek.

dītc!ō'lel, at a point about a quarter of a mile west of the Pine Grove brewery, which is located about a mile and a half south of the town of Caspar. At or very near this village site there is an old shell-heap about three feet in thickness which covers an area of about eight hundred square feet. This heap is located about four hundred yards back from the shore-line and is composed of the shells of the various edible molluscs which are found so abundantly along this part of the coast, as also a certain amount of such other kitchen refuse as is usually found in such mounds.

bu'ldam, from bul, the name of a certain large flat rock off shore near the mouth of Big river where mussels and other molluscs were formerly abundant, and dam, trail (a trail from the interior came to the coast at the mouth of Big river),According to the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood (Alley, Bowen and Company, op. cit., p. 168), "Big river was called Bool-dam, on account of the blow-holes around the bay at its mouth." Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 155) and Powell (op. cit., p. 88) spell the name "bul-dam." at a point about three-quarters of a mile back from the shore-line, and in the edge of the redwood forest on the ridge just north of Big river. Some Indians say that this village was located at the sand flat at the northern end of the Big river bridge, which is also correct, so far as can be learned from white sources. According to the statements made by one of the earliest white settlers on this section of the coast, he having arrived here in 1854, there were Indians living at the site in the edge of the redwoods, as above located, at that date. So far as can be determined, this site was almost continuously inhabited up to 1866, when the Indians moved down to the sand flats at the north end of the Big river bridge at the request of Colonel Lightner, who at that time acquired title to the land upon which the old village of bu'ldam was situated. They remained at this new site only about two years. The name bu'ldam was applied to Big river itself as

― 134 ―

well as to the old village above mentioned. There was a trail leading from this point up the river and over the mountains to Walker and Little Lake valleys, and thence to the other interior valleys. This was one of a very few trails connecting the coast with the interior and it would seem that it was more used than most of the others. Big river has a good sand beach at its mouth and tide-water extends for about four miles up the river, both of which circumstances, together with the abundant supply of molluscs along the rocky shore-line in the vicinity, made this a desirable site for a permanent village.

kala'ili, on what is known as the "old" Stevens property just northeast of the present blacksmith shop in the town of Little River. According to Indian informants, this is the site of an old village which was inhabited permanently before the coming of white settlers. Since the coming of white settlers this place was resorted to, particularly during the winter, for the purposes of fishing and gathering molluscs, but it seems not to have been permanently inhabited during more recent times. The same is true of another site which is located just to the south of this and on the banks of the river itself. The present mill pond covers this site. Off shore in this vicinity there are "mussel rocks" of considerable extent and at present the Indians from the interior valleys frequently camp here during the summer and gather quantities of mussels and other molluscs for food. According to some informants, the chief trail leading from Ukiah valley to the coast ended at Little River, and was one of the earliest routes through the mountains.

kaba'tōda, on the top of the high, narrow ridge separating Albion river from Salmon creek, and indefinitely located at a distance of one or two miles from the ocean.

Old Camp Sites.

gaiyeti'l, near the cliffs at the shore-line about three-quarters of a mile north of the mouth of Pudding creek.

kabē'tsitū, at a point about one hundred yards south of gaiyeti'l, above located.

nō'yō, on the north bank of Pudding creek near its mouth. The creek itself was called nō'yō-bida by the Indians, but after

― 135 ―

the coming of the whites the name was transferred to the larger stream south of Fort Bragg which now bears the name of Noyo river. The Indian name of Noyo river is tce'mli-bida.

ya'kale, from ya, wind, and kale', tree (this name is derived from some trees which, like many of the trees in exposed places immediately along this part of the coast, have their tops bent far to one side and partly killed by the hard winds so common to this region), near the foot of what is known as Bald hill, and at a point about a mile north of Pudding creek and a mile and a half back from the shore-line of the ocean.

djo'mō, from ājom, a species of pine, and mō, hole, a short distance back from the cliff which rises abruptly from the south bank of Pudding creek. It is but a short distance also from the cliff which forms the shore-line of the ocean at this point.

tō'ldam, from tōl, hollow, and dam, trail, at the edge of the redwood forest about a mile from the ocean up the ridge between Noyo river and Hare river, called by the Indians nō'-bida, dust creek.

Sites Not Mentioned by Indians.

There are several shell-heaps along this section of the coast which mark the sites, usually, of camps where the Indians of former times assembled at certain seasons of the year for the purpose of gathering, eating, and drying molluscs and sea-weed. One of these shell-heaps is situated near the cliffs just west of the present Indian village at the northwestern limits of the town of Fort Bragg. Extending for several hundred yards along the cliffs are to be found scattered deposits of shells and camp debris usually not more than two feet in thickness in the deepest part. It is not known just when these deposits were formed, but it seems probable from their present condition that they were made during the time of the Mendocino reservation, of which this land formed a part. At a point about a mile and a half north of Big river, and about five hundred yards from the cliffs along the shore-line, are the remains of another shell-heap which bears evidence of a large deposit, but the cultivation of the field in which it is located has so obliterated the original limits that it is impossible to form any exact idea as to its former dimensions.

― 136 ―

Valley Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Asylum Rancheria, Guidiville, or Mushtown, about one-half mile south of the Mendocino State Hospital, and about three miles south-southeast of the town of Ukiah, on a tract of five acres owned by the Indians themselves. This village consists of ten houses and about thirty inhabitants, of whom the majority came originally from the old villages in the northern part of Ukiah valley, but some from Redwood, Coyote and Potter valleys. There is here a school maintained under the auspices of the Roman Catholic church.

Pinoleville, near the foot-hills on the south bank of Ackerman creek and about a mile and a half northwest of the town of Ukiah. This village is located on a tract of one hundred and fifty acres of land belonging to the Indians and comprises thirty houses and about one hundred and ten inhabitants. These people are mostly from the old villages in Potter valley, some having moved here within very recent years. A school is maintained at this village under the auspices of the Methodist Episcopal church.

Coyote Valley Rancheria, on the east bank of the east fork of Russian river at a point about two and a half miles from its confluence with the main stream. This village is located on land belonging to the Indians themselves and consists of six houses and about thirty inhabitants, who are mostly from the old villages in Redwood valley. There are a few from Potter valley and two or three individuals from the Clear lake region.

Potter Valley Rancheria, on the western side of Potter valley at a point about a mile south of the town of Centerville. This village is situated on the south bank of a small creek and consists of eleven houses and about fifty inhabitants. Here are to be found individuals from nearly all the former villages of this valley, including the Yukian Huchnom whose village was in the northern extremity of the valley. The inhabitants of the Potter Valley Rancheria are but a remnant of the very numerous former population of the valley. Some of the elder informants say they can remember a time when all the old villages in the valley as well as the two in the hills to the east were simultaneously inhabited,

― 137 ―

a fact which would give this region a very large population. There is at this village a school maintained by the Methodist Episcopal church.

Redwood Valley Rancheria, in Redwood valley on the eastern edge of the mesa lying west of the main branch of Russian river. It is about three miles north of the town of Calpella and contains four houses and about twelve inhabitants.

Sherwood Valley Rancheria, at the lower or eastern end of Sherwood valley in the extreme northern part of this dialectic area. It is situated on the northern bank of the creek and consists of eight houses and about thirty-five inhabitants. About a mile and a half south of this village there is a family of six individuals, who should be included in the enumeration as they belong properly to this village. This would make the total population about forty.See note 167, concerning early estimates of the population of this region.

There is no regular modern village in Anderson valley, but there are two families of Indians living there, one on the ranch of Mr. Thomas Rawles at a point about a mile west-southwest of Boonville, and the other just across the creek to the west of the town. There are in these two families about eight people all told.

Old Village Sites.

ka'tilī, about two miles and a quarter southeast of the town of Ukiah and about half a mile east of Russian river. The residence of the superintendent of the Mendocino State Hospital, situated on the north bank of Mill creek and only a short distance from the stream, now stands on this site. As before stated, there is some doubt as to who owned the territory in this immediate vicinity, and it is claimed by some informants that the people who occupied this village spoke the Northern dialect; others say they spoke the Central dialect, and still others say that the language used by them was a mixture of the two, due to the fact, so they say, that the people of this village affiliated and intermarried with those of the Northern and Central villages near by. One informant stated that this village was the temporary home of the people formerly living at the old village of

― 138 ―

kō'mlī on the town site of Ukiah after the war between them and the people of the yō'kaia village of cō'kadjal. He also stated that this site was known by the name of kō'mlī at that time.

smē'wakapda, from smē'wa, wolf, ka, water ?, and pda, creek, at the junction of the two branches of Mill creek at a point about a mile east of the Mendocino State Hospital. According to one informant there was a village here, the inhabitants of which spoke entirely the Central dialect, but according to others there was no village here, this name being that of Mill creek as a whole. The name given is in the Central dialect.

tcīdōtē'ya, near a spring about four hundred yards southeast of the court-house square in the town of Ukiah. The residence of Mr. B. B. Fox now stands on this site.

kō'mlī, from kōm, soda spring, and lī, there, or kūbū' kbūl-kēya in the Central dialect, just north of the limits of the town of Ukiah and half a mile north of the court-house square. At this place there is a mesa half a mile or more wide extending from the river bottom to the foot-hills. On the slope from the edge of this mesa to the river bottom is a large spring which the Indians say was in former times noted for the excellence of its water and its constant flow. The village was located just west of this spring, from which the inhabitants obtained their water supply. This village seems to have been one of the more important villages in this valley and is often mentioned by the old Indians. At a time not very much antedating the arrival of white settlers in the valley, and within the memory of living individuals, the original inhabitants of this village vacated it and moved to Scott's valley, where they lived with the Scott's valley people until scattered by the coming of the whites. Informants agree that there was a migration of the people of this village and that it was due to trouble between them and their neighbors, some saying that the trouble was between them and their neighbors on the north and others that the yō'kaia to the south were concerned. One informant from the yō'kaia rancheria (Central dialect) says that originally his own people held possession of all the territory in Ukiah valley north to a point about half a mile north of the confluence of the east fork of Russian river with the main stream, but for some reason people speaking the

― 139 ―

Northern dialect were allowed to settle in this part of the valley and established the village of kō'mlī. When the informant was a boy, probably about 1830 or 1835, there arose a difference between the people of kō'mlī and the Central village of cō'kadjal concerning the hunting and fishing rights in the northern part of the valley, and Kalanō'ī, the captain of the village of cō'kadjal, led a party against his northern neighbors and drove them from the valley. They went across the mountains to Scott's valley just west of Clear lake, and there took refuge with their friends, and the captain of the village in Scott's valley finally purchased from the people of cō'kadjal freedom from molestation of the refugees. This informant says, somewhat inconsistently, also that before finally going to Scott's valley these people first moved to ka'tilī, which he called kō'mlī, where they remained for a year or two. They then went to Eight-mile valley, a short distance northeast of Red mountain, where they established the village of kō'mlī, remaining here a little longer than at ka'tilī, and finally went on down into Scott's valley, where they remained permanently. Another, and more probable account, is that given by a very old woman whose former home was in Potter valley. According to this informant, the difficulty between the people of kō'mlī and those of cō'kadjal arose at a considerably earlier date than that above mentioned and was due to the fact that there was living at kō'mlī a powerful doctor, sīkū'tsha by name, to whose poison the death of a yō'kaia man was attributed. Some of the yō'kaia from cō'kadjal attempted to kill sīkū'tsha, but he was able to escape and get over to friends at Upper lake. There was no regular war made by the yō'kaia people upon those of kō'mlī, but the people of kō'mlī preferred to leave their village and avoid trouble, so they went over to Upper lake by way of Coyote valley, Blue lakes, and Bachelor valley, and eventually found their way to Scott's valley. To explain the presence of a camp called kō'mlī in Eight-mile valley, as above mentioned, is the fact that there is here a large soda spring from which it is but natural that the valley and the camp should take their name.

kabēgi'lnal, on the north bank of Sulphur creek, called xa-tō't-bida, water-rotten-creek, at its confluence with Russian river at a point about a mile northeast of the town of Ukiah.

― 140 ―

cō'katcal, near the south bank of Hensley creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile west of its confluence with Russian river. This site lies just west of the county road and is about two miles north of the town of Ukiah.

cima'kaū or cima'kawī, at the east end of the bridge across the main branch of Russian river at a point a short distance up stream from the confluence of the east fork with it.

catca'mkaū, tca'mkawī, or bō'maa, on the north bank of the east fork of Russian river at a point about two and a half miles up stream from its confluence with the main stream. This site is located about an eighth of a mile down stream from the site where Cleveland's flour mill formerly stood. From all that can be learned this was formerly a very large village, and the principal one in Coyote valley.

matū'kū, on the south bank of Cold creek, called matū'kū-bida, at a point about a mile up stream from its confluence with the east fork of Russian river. This site is located about two hundred yards south of the ranch house on the Hopper sheep ranch.

tsaka'mō, from tsaka', smoke or native tobacco, and mō, hole, near the northern end of the bridge across Cold creek on the road leading from Fort Brown to Centerville in Potter valley. While this particular part of the country is, on the whole, by no means so desirable for habitation as the larger valleys above and below, it appears that this village was a large and important one in former times. It is mentioned in connection with catca'mkaū in the myths of the region. According to one of these myths the village of matū'kū, about a mile up Cold creek, was called tsaka'mō.

katca'bida, from katca', arrow-head or obsidian, and bida', creek, in the extreme southern end of Potter valley and on the east bank of the east fork of Russian river. There is also a village one name of which is katca'bida in the extreme northern end of Redwood valley on the main stream of Russian river.

kala'lpicūl, on what is known as the John Mawhinney ranch at a point about a mile south of the post office of Pomo.

pō'mō, on the east bank of Russian river at a point a short distance south of the post office at Pomo, in the southern end of Potter valley. The present Potter valley flour mill stands on

― 141 ―

this site. This village bears the same name as the linguistic familySee Pomo, p. 118. to which its people belong. The first mention of a village by the name of Pomo is that found in Gibbs' Journal.Schoolcraft, III, 112. He gives Pomo as the name of one of the peoples treated with by Colonel McKee, and in speaking of their language he says: "The Ma-su-ta-kea and Pomo, living farther up the west branch of the river, use the same as the Shanel-kaya of the east branch." Thus he located the village in or about Redwood valley. However, no village of this name has been found in this valley and it seems probable that the location given by him is due to incorrect information gained in the hurried journey through the region. McKeeMinutes kept by John McKee, secretary of the expedition from Sonoma, through northern California, Senate Ex. Doc., Spec. Sess., 32d Cong., 1853, Doc. 4, p. 144. speaks of "the Pomas," which undoubtedly refers to the people of this same village. PowersOverland Monthly, IX, 504. speaks of the "Pome Pomos," and HittellHistory of California, I, 730. mentions the "Pone Pomos." To these various spellings might also be added Powers' "Poam Pomo,"Tribes of California, p. 156. which he gives upon the authority of a white informant as the equivalent in scope of the "Ballo-Kai Pomo"; at the same time stating that he was unable to get a verification of the term among the Indians. It has, however, been taken up by other writers and used as a name for the Potter valley people as a whole, and is entitled to mention also on that account.

kalē'sīma, kale'lsema, or xale'sema, on the east bank of Russian river at a point about a mile east-northeast of the present Potter Valley rancheria.

se'dam, on the east bank of Russian river just east of the town of Centerville. This is the site of one of the largest of the old villages in Potter valley. Captain FordRept. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1856, p. 257. may have referred either to the people of this village or to those of cane'l when he said: "The Salan Pomas are a tribe of Indians inhabiting a valley called Potter's Valley."

cane'l, or see'l, on the east bank of Russian river at a point

― 142 ―

about a mile north of the town of Centerville. It was located on the ranch of Mr. George Bush, formerly owned by Mr. William Potter, for whom Potter valley was named. This was one of the most important villages in Potter valley and is said by some informants to have contained the largest population of any.According to one informant, the collective name bō'tel was applied to the village of cane'l and the camps nō'badō, sū'būtcemal and tūlimhō' collectively. According to another informant, see'l was on the west side of the river and a village entirely separate from cane'l. According to this informant also there was still another village called a'mdala just north of see'l. Corroborations of these statements were, however, not obtained. One of the villages near Hopland in the Central dialectic area is also called cane'l. The first mention of the Potter valley cane'l was by GibbsOp. cit., p. 109. in his record of "the tribes present" at a council with Colonel McKee on the southern shore of Clear lake. Among others he mentions "the Shanel-kaya and Bedah-marek, living in a valley situated to the north of it (i.e., Clear lake), and on the east fork of Russian river." The "Bedah-marek" here referred to were also mentioned by McKeeSenate Ex. Doc., Spec. Sess., 32nd Cong., 1853, Doc. 4, p. 136. as "Me-dama-rec." The name has as yet not been found as the name of a village, or of any division. BancroftNative Races, I, 452. also mentions the first of these names upon the authority of Gibbs. The people of cane'l or of sedam may be the ones referred to by Captain FordRept. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1856, p. 257. as "Salan Pomas."

ya'mō, ya'ma, or ya'mū, at the foot of the mountains at the northern end of Potter valley. This site is very near the northern boundary of the main Pomo area, being situated at the base of a small mountain called ya'-danō, wind-mountain, over which the boundary line between the Pomo and Yukian Huchnom runs.

mōtī'tca, mūtī'tca, or mitī'tca, near the foot-hills on the western side of Potter valley, and at a point about two and a half miles northwest of the town of Centerville.

tsi'mpal, near the foot-hills on the western side of the northern end of Potter valley. According to one informant, there was

― 143 ―

no village at this place, but the name was given to a mountain at which flint of different colors was obtained.

sō'tca, or bata' 'ka, in the foot-hills on the western side of Potter valley, and near its northern extremity. It was but a short distance northwest of tsi'mpal. According to one informant these two names, sō'tca and bata' 'ka, were applied to two different places about four hundred yards apart, the latter of which only was inhabited.

canē'kai, from canē', sweat-house, and kai, valley, in a small valley of approximately circular form near the summit of Buckner mountain. It was located about six miles east of the town of Centerville in Potter valley. Buckner creek heads on the north side of this mountain and one of the tributaries of Middle creek heads on the south. According to some informants the name sweat-house valley was given to this valley because of its likeness to the pit of a sudatory. The people of the "Cha-net-kai tribe" referred to by McKeeSenate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 136. are probably the same as those of this village.

tcō'mtcadīla, on the mesa just south of the town of Calpella, and at a distance of about two miles up the main stream of Russian river from the confluence of the east fork with it.See note 167, concerning early estimates of the population of this region. The people of this village, called "Choam Cha-di-la Po-mo," are referred to by PowersOp. cit., p. 155. and, probably upon his authority, by Powell,Op. cit., p. 88. and BancroftNative Races, I, 362, 448.. Powers translates the name "Pitch Pine People." The captain of this village at the time of the arrival of white settlers in the region was kalpe'la. His name was given to his people, and was applied by the whites in a general way to all of the Indians living in Redwood valley. It has been used with this broad significance by some early writers. The name still survives in Calpella, a town at the lower end of Redwood valley. The late Mr. A. E. Sherwood is authority for the statement that "Cal-pa-lau" signifies "mussel or shell-fish bearer."Hist. of Mendocino, op. cit., p. 167.

― 144 ―

masū't, masū', or cīyō'l, the last of which names signifies shady, on the western affluent of Russian river at a point about three miles northwest of the town of Calpella. Some informants claim that this site is located on the west bank and some that it is on the east bank of this stream, and from all that can be learned it seems that both statements are correct, for it appears that both banks of this stream were inhabited at different times. The more recently occupied site was on the west bank, or rather in what is now the western part of the stream bed, as the river has shifted toward the west and has washed nearly all of this site away. Upon abandoning this site these people went to tcō'mtcadīla just south of Calpella. The people of this village are probably the ones referred to by GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 112. as "Masu-ta-kaya," one of the "bands" which made a treaty with Colonel McKee at the Feliz ranch near Hopland. The same people were also mentioned by McKeeSenate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 144. as "Maj-su-ta-ki-as."

kabēla'l, or kati'l, on the mesa west of the main branch of Russian river, and at a point about three and one-half miles north of the town of Calpella. This village was located near the ranch house on the Berry Wright ranch. The name kati'l seems to have been given to this site at the time when the former inhabitants of Walker valley settled here after the coming of white settlers.

katca'bida, from katca', obsidian or arrow-head, and bida, creek, or da'picū, at the southern foot of Redwood mountain (capa'lawel) at the extreme head of Redwood valley. One of the villages in Potter valley on the east fork of Russian river was also called katca'bida. In his list of the various "bands" of the Pomo, Powers says: "In Redwood cañon, the Da-pi-shul Pomo (dapishul means `high sun'; that is, a cold place because of the depth of the cañon)."Tribes of California, p. 155. The reference may be to this village.

ka'tcake, on the southwest bank of Mill creek at a point about two and one-half miles up stream from its confluence with Forsythe creek.

kō'bida, or kaba'tbadō, from kaba't, madroña, and badō', flat,

― 145 ―

on the east bank of Forsythe creek at a point a short distance south of the former stage station in Walker valley. According to one informant this was the last village occupied in this valley, the people being taken from here to the Round Valley reservation.

bita'danek, from bita', bear, and dane'k, throw out, on the southwest bank of Forsythe creek at a point about two miles up stream from the former stage station in Walker valley.

caba'kana, from caba', hazel, and kana, ?, at the extreme head of Forsythe creek. According to one informant who formerly lived in this valley, this site was the first one in this vicinity inhabited. From here the people moved to bita'danek, and then to kō'bida, from where they were taken to the Round Valley reservation. The information concerning the succession of occupation of these sites may be correct, but it is unlikely that the first site occupied is definitely known to individuals now living.

tanakō'm, from tana', hand, and kōm, bog, at a point in the mountains about four and one-half miles south-southeast of the town of Willits, which is situated in the southern end of Little Lake valley on Outlet creek.

kacaida'mal, on the headwaters of Outlet creek at a point about six miles southeast of the town of Willits.

ko'tsīyū, in the mountains at a point probably about two and one-half miles south of the town of Willits.

behē'pata, from behe, pepperwood nuts, and patan, to pound or grind, at a point probably about two miles and a quarter southeast of the town of Willits and about the same distance north of the old village of tanakō'm. This site was very indefinitely located by informants.

kabēca'l, at a point about a mile south-southeast of the town of Willits, and near the foot-hills on the western side of the valley. This village was located on the ranch now owned by Mr. Martin Baechtel.

kataka'l, from kata', hollow, and kal, mussel, at a point about half a mile south of the town of Willits.

mītō'ma, or cīi'ncilmal, from cīi'n, grape vine, cilin, hanging up, and mal, year, on the top of a knoll in the southwestern part of the town of Willits. This knoll rises from the general level

― 146 ―

in such a manner as to stand apart from the adjacent foot-hills to the west of it and forms a prominent point.

tsamō'mda, in the edge of the redwood belt at a point about three miles west of the town of Willits.In speaking of Little Lake valley, to which he gives the name "Betumki," Gibbs, in Schoolcraft, III, 116, says: "The names of the bands in this valley were the Naboh, Chow-e-shak, Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a, and Sa-mun-da. One or two others were said to be absent. The numbers given by those who came in amounted in all to 127 men, 147 women, and 106 children. The total, including those absent, probably does not exceed 450 to 475." Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a, and Sa-mun-da are probably cōtsiyū, baka'ū (which is also called baka'ūha), and tsamō'mda respectively, as located on the accompanying map. M'Kee (Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 146) records the same names with a slightly different orthography, as follows: "Nah-toh, Chow-e-chak, Shor-te-u, Ba-cow-a, and Sa-mun-da."

hōdūdū'kawe, from hodūdūdū', milk snake, and kawe', to build, indefinitely located at a point about four and a half miles east-southeast of the town of Willits.

cō'tsīū, from cō, east, and tsī'ū, corner, in the hills at a point about four miles east of the town of Willits. This site is located on a small affluent of Outlet creek.In speaking of Little Lake valley, to which he gives the name "Betumki," Gibbs, in Schoolcraft, III, 116, says: "The names of the bands in this valley were the Naboh, Chow-e-shak, Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a, and Sa-mun-da. One or two others were said to be absent. The numbers given by those who came in amounted in all to 127 men, 147 women, and 106 children. The total, including those absent, probably does not exceed 450 to 475." Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a, and Sa-mun-da are probably cōtsiyū, baka'ū (which is also called baka'ūha), and tsamō'mda respectively, as located on the accompanying map. M'Kee (Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 146) records the same names with a slightly different orthography, as follows: "Nah-toh, Chow-e-chak, Shor-te-u, Ba-cow-a, and Sa-mun-da."

tsaka', near the site of the Northwestern Redwood Company's saw-mill at a point about two miles northwest of the town of Willits.

yamī', on the southern shore of Little lake.

kabē'yō, from kabē', rock, and yō, under, indefinitely located at a point probably about three miles and a half northeast of Willits.

baka'ū or baka'ūha, from baka'ū, dam, and ha, mouth, on the northern shore of Little lake.In speaking of Little Lake valley, to which he gives the name "Betumki," Gibbs, in Schoolcraft, III, 116, says: "The names of the bands in this valley were the Naboh, Chow-e-shak, Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a, and Sa-mun-da. One or two others were said to be absent. The numbers given by those who came in amounted in all to 127 men, 147 women, and 106 children. The total, including those absent, probably does not exceed 450 to 475." Chau-te-uh, Ba-kow-a, and Sa-mun-da are probably cōtsiyū, baka'ū (which is also called baka'ūha), and tsamō'mda respectively, as located on the accompanying map. M'Kee (Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 146) records the same names with a slightly different orthography, as follows: "Nah-toh, Chow-e-chak, Shor-te-u, Ba-cow-a, and Sa-mun-da."

cakō'kai, from cakō', willow, and kai, valley, in the field just south of what is known as Rowe's station, an old stage station, at a point about three and a half miles southeast of Sherwood station.

kūla'kai, from kūla, probably the yellow water-lily, Nymphaea polysepala, and kai, valley, at a point about two miles south of Sherwood station, and on the southwestern shore of the small wet-weather lake on the Russell ranch.None of the early writers give the names of any of the villages in or about Sherwood valley. Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 155) in giving the names of what he calls "bands" of the Pomo mentions "the Ku-la Kai Po-mo" and says: "kula is the name of a kind of fruit, like little pump-kins, growing in water, as the Indians describe it." This is undoubtedly the fruit of the yellow water-lily above mentioned. The Northern and Eastern dialectic names of this plant are kūla' and kūLa' respectively. However, it seems as probable that Powers' kula really signifies north, which is djūhū'la, gūhū'la, tcū'la and tūhū'l in the various Pomo dialects. At present the valley is called by some of the people to the south djūhū'lakai or north valley. Its name is given by the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood (Alley, Bowen and Company, op. cit., p. 167) as "Che-hul-i-kai signifying north valley." Following Powers, Powell (op. cit., p. 88) also uses "Kula Kai Pomo" as the name for the people of this valley. Powers (ibid) further says that the Sherwood valley people are called "Shi-bal-ni Pomo (Neighbor People)" by the people of Cahto valley. In corroboration of this name it should be mentioned that a large hill which projects some distance into the valley from its southwestern side is called caba'l-danō by the Indians now living in Sherwood valley. The former residence of Mr. A. E. Sherwood is at the foot of this hill. The name, spelled "Shebalne," is also used by Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 448).

― 147 ―

kabē'danō, from kabē', rock, and danō', mountain, at the ranch house on the Russell ranch on the northeastern shore of the small wet-weather lake about two miles south-southeast of Sherwood station.

tī'kai, from tī, string, and kai, valley, on the ridge just west of Outlet creek at a point about three miles east-southeast of Sherwood station.

būta'ka, bear, at a point about two and a half miles east of Sherwood station.

cane'mka, from cane', sweat-house, and mûka', scorched, near the west bank of Outlet creek at a point about two miles north-east of Sherwood station. This site was rather indefinitely located but it is probably on the north bank of Curley Cow creek, the small stream which flows through Sherwood valley proper.

so'satca, from so'sa, red ant, and tca, house, on the north bank of Curley Cow creek at a point about half a mile down stream from the present Sherwood valley village.

tsi'kinīdanō, from tsi'kinī, owl, and danō', mountain, at the Sherwood valley creamery about a mile and a quarter east of Sherwood station.

bō'camkūtci, from bō'cam, a sort of seed, and kū'tci, moss, at a point about half a mile east-northeast of Sherwood station, and near where the Sherwood Inn now stands.

ma'tcata, from ma, ground, and tcata', between, at a point about half a mile northeast of Sherwood station. There is now a single Indian family living on this site, but there are plainly

― 148 ―

visible here a number of old pits which mark the sites of sweathouses.

kabō'tsīū, from kabō', clover, and tsī'ū, corner, at a point about half a mile northwest of Sherwood station.

kaa'ika, from kaa'i, crow, and ka, water, at a point about three-quarters of a mile southeast of Sherwood station. According to other informants this site is located a short distance north of the residence of Mr. Louis Billodeaux in Sherwood valley proper, which would place it somewhere in the vicinity of the old village of bikeka'.

tanaci'l, from tana', hand, and cil, hang down, immediately south-southwest of Sherwood station.

behe'mkalūm, from behe', pepperwood, and kalū'm, gone, at a point about a mile and a half southwest of Sherwood station.

matō', big, just southwest of the residence of the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood, about a mile and a half west-northwest of Sherwood station. According to information obtained from Mr. Sherwood in 1903 there was at this site at the time of his arrival in 1853 a village of seventy-five or more inhabitants. This village remained for many years, and the pit of the old dance-house is at present plainly visible.

kama'dōkai, from ka, water, madō', cold, and kai, valley, at the residence of Mr. Louis Billodeaux, on the north side of Sherwood valley proper and at a point about a mile and a half north-west of Sherwood station. According to information obtained from the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood, who moved to Sherwood valley in 1853, there is a very large deep spring, called ka'madō, a short distance east of the old village of matō'.

bikeka', from bike', ground squirrel, and ka, water, in the hills north of Sherwood valley at a point about a quarter of a mile north of the residence of Mr. Louis Billodeaux and about a mile and three-quarters north-northwest of Sherwood station. According to some informants there was a village called kaa'ika in this immediate vicinity.

ka'ikitsil, from kai, valley, and kitsi'l, end, at the head of Sherwood valley proper, and about two and three-quarters miles northwest of Sherwood station.

kabē'dile, from kabē, rock, and dile', between or among, in the

― 149 ―

mountains at the extreme head of Sherwood valley and about three and one-half miles northwest of Sherwood station.

tca'ida, at a point about two and one-half miles north of the confluence of the north fork of Navarro river with the main stream, and about a mile northwest of the bridge across the north fork on the road from Boonville to Navarro.

tcū'lgo, from tcūhū'l or tcū'la, north, and gago', valley on the north bank of the north fork of Navarro river at a point about three miles from its confluence with the main stream. This site is but a short distance east of the bridge across the north fork on the road from Boonville to Navarro.

hū'da, on the north bank of the north fork of Navarro river at a point about three-quarters of a mile up stream from the site of the old village of tcū'lgo above mentioned.

djō'mī, at a point about a mile and a quarter northwest of Christine. This site is just east of a very small pond which was miraculously created by Coyote because the old Frog woman who had possession of the spring about one hundred yards north of this place would give him no water. This happened after the destruction of the surface of the earth by fire.

ka'tūūlī, from ka, water, tūū'l, old, and lī, place, on a small flat about fifty yards south of the store at Christine. This was formerly an important village, some of the larger ceremonials being held here.

kabē'djal, from kabē', rock, and dja, house, near the northeast bank of Navarro river at a point about two and one-half miles down stream from the confluence of Indian creek with it. This site is just up stream from the point where the road from Boonville to Greenwood crosses Navarro river, and takes its name from a large rock, the form of which resembles a house. One end of the wagon bridge rests upon this rock. Under the rock there was a large hole and pool of water which was noted as a good fishing place in the salmon season.

ta'bate, from ta, sand, and bate, big, near the northeast bank of Navarro river on the Irish brothers' ranch, at a point about two miles west of Philo. This name was used also as the name of the whole valley about Philo, while Navarro river, or at least the part along which this valley lies, is called ta'bate-bida by

― 150 ―

the people living in this vicinity. Navarro river is also called nōba'da-bida, from nō, ashes, ba, tail, da, on, and bida, creek or river, which is the source of the present name, Navarro. Upon the authority of Mr. A. E. Sherwood, Alley, Bowen and CompanyOp. cit., p. 168. give "Taa-bo-tah" as the name of Anderson valley, and Gibbs mentions "Tabahtea"See note 192. as the name of a people living in this region.

cō'mda, on the east bank of Indian creek at a point about a half mile south-southeast of Philo and a mile northwest of the confluence of Indian creek with Navarro river.

nō'pik, from nō, ashes, and pik, mellow, at the site of the old Anderson valley flour mill. By one informant this is said to have been occupied so long ago that there is no record of the people who lived here.

cū'naūbasatnapotai, from cūnaū, pretty (?), basa't, forks, napo'tai, old village, just back on the slope of the foot-hills east of Anderson creek at a point about three miles down stream from Boonville.

kabē'ela, from kabē', rock, and e'la, to throw and miss, on the north bank of Anderson creek at a point about two and one-half miles down stream from the town of Boonville.

le'mkolil, on the northeast bank of Anderson creek at a point about a mile down stream from Boonville. According to one informant the people of this village together with all those living farther down stream were called pda'-tēya, signifying creek those people, while those in the villages farther up stream were called danō'-kēya, signifying mountains there, both of which terms he gave in the Central dialect. He said further that the whole valley itself was called pda'-tēya-ma, or land of the pda'-tēya, and that the name applied to the people of Anderson valley as a whole was pda'tēya.

bū'lawil, near the south bank of Anderson creek at a point about a mile and a quarter southeast of the town of Boonville. The barn on the property of Mrs. Jane Burger stands on this site.

[kale'msūpda], Central dialect name, from kale', tree, msū,

― 151 ―

burned (?), and pda, creek, on the north bank of Anderson creek at a point about two miles and a half east-southeast of the town of Boonville. It appears that as a village this was a small place, there being only a few people who made this their permanent home, but others came here for short periods, particularly during the fishing and food gathering seasons.

Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.

cīyō'l, shady, on the north bank of Ackerman creek at its confluence with Russian river. One of the hop fields on the Bartlett ranch now covers this site. According to one informant also this village was located on the east bank of Russian river on the Howard ranch almost directly opposite the site as above given.

cō'dakai, in the southwestern end of Coyote valley at a point about a mile and a half up the east fork of Russian river from its confluence with the main stream. This village was occupied by the Yukian Huchnom for about five years after they left mūlha'l in Redwood valley.See mūlha'l; also note 296. It was not, however, exclusively a Huchnom village, as there were Pomo here also. The names given to Coyote valley by the Northern and Eastern Pomo respectively are cō'dakai and tca'mkawī. PowersOp. cit., p. 155. in speaking of what he calls "many little bands in diverse valleys" gives as one of them "the Sho-do-Kai Pomo" and locates them in Coyote valley. PowellOp. cit., p. 89. gives the same, probably on the authority of Powers.

bakō'dō, at the head of the small canyon in which the present Potter Valley village is situated and at a point about a mile and a half west of it.

mūlha'l, a Huchnom village in Redwood valley at a point on the east bank of Russian river about four and one-half miles north of the town of Calpella.See mūlha'l; also note 296.

On the property belonging to Mrs. Susan Ornbaun about a mile north of the town of Boonville in Anderson valley is the site of an uninhabited modern village, the name of which could not be learned.

― 152 ―

bō'gagōwī, from bō, west, gagō, valley, and wī or ī, place, at a point about a mile and a half west of Boonville. This site has not been inhabited for twenty or twenty-five years.

Old Camp Sites.

sē'satil, on the McClure ranch north of the Mendocino State Hospital, and at a point about two miles southeast of the town of Ukiah and half a mile east of Russian river. There are differences of opinion concerning this site. Some informants claim that it was only a food gathering place, while others say that it was a camp, and still others that it was a village. It seems most probable, however, that it was a camp, although there may have been people living here permanently at some time.

ka"lem, just east of what is known as the Forks saloon at a point about a mile west of the confluence of the east fork of Russian river with the main stream. The camp called by one informant ca'malda and located in this immediate vicinity may have been this same site.

nō'badō,See note 129. in Potter valley on the east fork of Russian river at a point on the west bank of the river about a quarter of a mile west of the old village of cane'l. This camp was used by the people of cane'l.nō'badō and sū'būtcemal are situated so close together that it has been necessary to indicate the two on the map by a single symbol.

sū'būtcemal,See note 129. at a point about three hundred yards up stream from nō'badō. This was also a camp of the cane'l people.nō'badō and sū'būtcemal are situated so close together that it has been necessary to indicate the two on the map by a single symbol.

tūlimhō',See note 129. at a point about half a mile west of sū'būtcemal. This also was a camp of the cane'l people.

pō'danō, probably from pō, red, and danō, mountain, at a point about three and one-half miles west of the old stage station in Walker valley on Forsythe creek.

ta"skōl or tca"skōl, from tca, human being, and skōl, laughing (?), on the ridge west of Outlet creek at a point near the confluence of Curley Cow creek with it, and about two miles east-northeast of Sherwood station.

tcaha'wī, a camp for fishing on the northeastern bank of Navarro river at a point about a mile and a half up stream from Christine.

― 153 ―

ma'kalamī, probably from maka'la, rabbit, and mī, place, on the ridge west of Navarro river at a point probably about two miles west of the old village of ta'bate or four miles west of Philo.

kaci'mdalaū, on the John Gough place at a point about two miles southeast of Philo.

tsawa'takka, from tsawa'tak, a small species of frog, and ka, water, indefinitely located on the ridge between Anderson and Rancheria creeks at a point probably about a mile south of their junction.

tce'ckalel, on the ridge between Anderson and Rancheria creeks at a point about three miles and a quarter west of Boonville. This camp was chiefly for acorn gathering.

sa'latcada, on the ridge between Anderson and Rancheria creeks at a point about two miles and a quarter west of Boonville. This name is said to be derived from sa'la, redwood bark, and tca'da or dja'da, run away (?), the connection being with a localization of a myth which is common throughout the Pomo region. A summary of the myth is as follows: There were people living at lemkō'lil who ate the flesh of a monster and were transformed into deer. Of all the people living at lemkō'lil there were but two, a brother and a sister, who did not eat the flesh of the monster, and they alone remained human. These two went out to sa'latcada to gather acorns and finally lived there as husband and wife. Their children were called tale"hmō, and were wild people who ate flesh and other foods raw, and took up their abode on a mountain called kanō'-sama, mountain-mahogany beneath or at the edge of, in the range of mountains immediately west of Rancheria creek. They never associated with the ordinary people of the region, but on the other hand they seem to have done no particular harm to them. They often set fire to the timber and brush in the surrounding mountains, and they made a practice of capturing any man who hunted deer at an improper time and giving him training which tended to correct his methods of hunting.

mapū'īka, from ma, ground, pū'ī, anything greasy, sweet, or otherwise pleasing to the taste, and ka, water, at Boonville.

kawī'namamī, from kawī'na, turtle, ma, ground, and mī, place, near the south bank of Anderson creek at a point about two miles east-southeast of Boonville. This was a food gathering camp.

― 154 ―

kca'kaleyō, from kca, white oak (?), kale', tree, and yō, under, near the northern head of Anderson creek at a point probably about five miles nearly due east of Boonville. This was a food gathering camp.

maca'l, on the western slope near the summit of the range separating the Russian river and Navarro river drainages at a point probably about four and a quarter miles east-northeast of Boonville. This site is located about two miles due east of the ranch house on the Singley ranch, which is on a small stream called Soda creek at a point about two miles northeast of Boonville.

mō'wībida, from mō. hole. wī, place, and bida', creek, just west of the summit of the range separating the Russian river and Navarro river drainages, and at a point about a mile east of the old camp at pō'taba.

pō'taba, near the head of the small creek called Soda creek, upon which the large Soda spring near the ranch house on the Singley ranch is located, and at a distance of about a mile and a half up stream from it.

ka'hōwali, from ka, water, hō, hot, and wa'li, at (?), near the summit of the range separating the Russian river and the Navarro river drainages, and at a point about a mile due west of the ranch house on what is known as the Metcalf ranch.

ka'tsami, from ka, water, and tsa'mi, a musty odor, at a point about a mile and three-quarters west-northwest of the old camp at pō'taba at the head of Soda creek northeast of Boonville.

ckī'tsil, an involuntary jerking motion, at a point about three miles northwest of the old camp at pō'taba at the head of Soda creek northeast of Boonville.

Sites Not Mentioned by Indians.

On the north bank of the south fork of Big river at the confluence of Dougarty creek with it is the site of what was probably an old village or camp. Before this land was tilled there was a small pit here which may have been that of a small sweat-house, and there are to be found even yet fragments of implements such as are common about old sites in this region.

At a point about a mile and a half up the south fork of Big river from the above mentioned site, and about four hundred yards northeast of the hotel at the summer resort known as

― 155 ―

Handley's, is a site which was probably inhabited only after the coming of the whites to this region, and then for only a few years.

Near the head of Indian creek in what is known as the Peachland school district is a site which was probably formerly inhabited, as there are many fragments of implements as well as other evidences of former occupation to be found here.

Lake Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Scott's Valley Rancheria, about a mile northwest of the town of Lakeport, and on the west bank of Scott's creek. This village consists of five houses and about fifteen inhabitants, mostly former residents of Scott's valley, but with a few from other old villages.The notes as to population were made during the summer of 1903. At that time there were in addition to the houses mentioned the dilapidated remains of a native tule house. This is considered and called a village by the Indians, although the houses are not assembled at any one site but are scattered for three-quarters of a mile along the creek.

Old Village Sites.

maiyī', contagion (?), at the foot of the hills on the extreme western side of Upper Lake valley, and at a point a short distance north of Scott's creek, where it cuts through the divide between Tule lake and Upper Lake valley. This is the only point at which the territory occupied by people speaking the Northern dialect extended beyond the divide and into Upper Lake valley. This was a large village and the site seems to be one of the very old ones of this region. Many of the myths of the region mention maiyī' and some of the characters of the myths originate here. The residence of Mr. Sleeper stands just west of this site.

mama'mamaū, from mama', projecting, on a point projecting out into Tule lake from its northern shore near the outlet of the lake. This was probably never a very large village. It seems to have been occupied both before and since the coming of whites to this region.

xaro' or xaro'malūgal, from xaro', valley oak acorn black bread, malū', to bake, and gal, homeward, close to the shore at the head of a small bay extending northward from the northern part of Tule lake. This bay also bears the name xaro'.

hō'mtcatī, from hōm, nettle, and teatī', village, or kō'pbūtū,

― 156 ―

in the Eastern dialect, from kōp, nettle, and bū'tū, knoll, at a point about three-quarters of a mile north of Tule lake, and near the foot-hills on the eastern side of the valley. The village was situated on a small knoll which rises from the general level of the valley.

tsīya'kabēyō, on the creek tributary to Middle creek heading on the south side of Buckner mountain. This village was located about three miles south of the village of canē'kai, which was near the summit of Buckner mountain. Informants differ as to whether the inhabitants of this village were more intimately associated with the people of the Tule lake or the Potter valley region. This difference is, however, of very little importance, as the people of these two localities used the same language and were on friendly terms.

sama'kahna, on the west bank of Scott's creek at a point about three and one-half miles north-northwest of Lakeport.

sī'wakal, on the western slope and near the summit of the ridge west of Clear lake, and at a point about two miles north of Lakeport.

nōbo'ral, from nō, ashes, bor, mud, and hnal, on, on the west bank of Scott's creek at a point about two and one-half miles north-northwest of the town of Lakeport. The people of this village may be the ones referred to by GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 109. by the name of "Möal-kai," by McKeeSenate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 136. as "Moal-kai," and by Slocum, Bowen and CompanyOp. cit., Lake County, p. 35: "The Boil-ka-ya tribe lived in Scott's Valley, and their number was one hundred and eighty, which has dwindled down to forty. Che-boo-kas was their chief." Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Boil-ka-ya, a city built in the west." as "Boil-ka-ya."

ka'raka, from kar, a dry limb filled with woodpecker holes, and ka, water, on the eastern border of Scott's valley at a point about a mile and a half north-northwest of Lakeport. A portion or possibly all of the area covered by this site is on the ranch owned by Mr. J. F. Burger.

There is the site of a village, the name of which could not be recalled by the informant, on the west bank of Scott's creek at a point about a mile and a half northwest of the town of Lakeport. It is located on the ranch of Mr. M. C. Scudamore.

― 157 ―

kabe'l, or xabe'l in the Eastern dialect, probably from kabē' or xabē', rock, on the eastern slope of a prominent point, called Rocky point, which projects from the western shore of the channel connecting the main body of Clear lake with Upper lake, its northernmost arm. There may be some doubt as to whether this was in the strictest sense a village. One informant says that on the higher ground was the site of the winter camp and down by the shore-line was the site of the summer camp, thus considering the entire settlement as of the nature of a camp. Still other informants refer to the site as a camp, while some call it a village. However, it seems quite certain that whatever the status of the place in this respect was, it was at all times inhabited, and it has seemed best, therefore, to designate it as a village. It will be observed that the boundary line between the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas is made, on the map, to pass through this village, thus indicating that the place was a common ground for the people of both dialects. While the control of the place seems to have been left to the people of Scott's valley, there were no restrictions as to the rights of the Upper Lake people in this vicinity, and people from both Upper Lake and Scott's valley camped here and enjoyed equal rights in the adjacent waters of the lake. It would seem that this was a place of some considerable importance in former times, as it is often spoken of by the old Indians in relating the early history of this section, and is frequently referred to in the myths.

Old Camp Sites.

bō'tcawel, from bō, west, and tcawe'l, canyon, on the western shore of Tule lake at a point just north of where Scott's creek flows into it.According to one informant of the Eastern dialect bō'tcawel, or bō'kawel as it is called in the Eastern dialect, was not the name of any special site, but was applied to all of that part of the valley of Scott's creek which extends from Tule lake to Blue lakes. According to this informant also there was a village, called baka'sa, a little to the west of the site given here. The name given to the portion of Scott's creek from Blue lakes up to the vicinity of Lakeport is yīma'bidame, from yī, no (?), ma, land, and bida'me, creek, while the name of that part of the creek west of Lakeport is a'nūbidame, from a'nū signifying anything behind an object. It is said that this last name was given by the people of the Big valley region because of the fact that Scott's creek was located behind the range of hills west of Lakeport.

― 158 ―

yō'tōgagō, from yō, south, tō, toward, and gagō', valley, in a very small valley on the head of Scott's creek at a point about two miles and a half northeast of Red mountain.

kō'mlī, from kōm, soda spring, and lī, there, in a small valley known as Eight-mile valley situated at the head of Scott's creek and at a point about three miles north-northeast of Red mountain. It appears that there was a trail leading from Ukiah valley through the mountains to Scott's valley which passed through this small valley and near the soda spring on the south side of it from which it takes its name. So far as can be learned this camp was used chiefly as a resting place for parties traveling between Ukiah valley and the Clear lake region, and as a camp for those who went there to bathe in and drink the water from the spring which was known to have certain medicinal properties. According to one informant this camp was the temporary home of the people of the old village of kō'mlī on the town site of Ukiah when they were compelled to leave that place owing to differences which arose between themselves and the yō'kaia people in the southern end of Ukiah valley.See note 109, and kō'mlī, p. 138. The name "Cum-le-bah""The Cum-le-bah tribe was located in the upper end of Scott's valley, on the Deming place. Their number was ninety, but are now reduced to thirty. Du-goh was their chief." Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35. Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Cum-le-bah, a kind of mineral water." used by Slocum, Bowen and Company probably originated in kō'mlī.

kile'liō, from kile'l, a caved embankment, and yō, under, on the western shore of Clear lake at a point about half a mile south of Rocky point at the strait connecting Upper lake with the main body of Clear lake. It seems probable that this camp was not very much used or that it was a small camp.

kō'batap, from kō, belly, and bata'p, cut, also given as kō'batamk, on the western shore of Clear lake at a point about four miles north of Lakeport.

kaba'i, or xaba'i in the Eastern dialect, from kaba'i or xaba'i, wild onion, Allium unifolium, on the western shore of Clear lake at a point about two miles and a quarter north of Lakeport.

kale' cōkon, from kale', tree, and cōko'n, crooked, on the western shore of Clear lake at a point about a mile and three-quarters

― 159 ―

north of Lakeport. There seems to be some doubt as to whether this place was occupied as a camp or not, some informants maintaining that there never was a camp or village here, while others claim that this is a camp site.

katsa'mūgal, from katsa', grass, and mūga', seeds, on the western shore of Clear lake at a point about a mile and a quarter north of Lakeport.

kala'bida, from kala', clam, and bida', creek, on the western shore of Clear lake at a point about three-quarters of a mile north of Lakeport. This site is on the western shore of a small cove on the property of Mr. L. P. Burger. Another informant mentioned kūbī' as the name of a small inlet in this vicinity and said that there was a camp or village by the name of kūbī' located at the head of it. The name was, however, known to other informants only as that of an inlet, and it is possible that the site referred to by this informant as kūbī' is kala'bida.

Modern Camp Sites.

da'tsin, on a small creek called da'tsin-bida which empties into the main body of Clear lake at a point about a mile and a half south of Rocky point on the western shore of the strait connecting Upper lake with the main body of Clear lake. This camp, which is about half a mile back from the lake-shore, is used at present to a limited extent as a fishing camp.

Central Dialect.

Boundaries.

From a point on the coast about half way between Salmon creek and Navarro river the boundary of the Central dialectic area runs for a distance of about eight miles up the ridge, known as Navarro ridge, which separates Salmon creek from Navarro river. Here it turns in a general southerly direction, crosses Navarro river at a point just down stream from the confluence of the north fork with it, and then runs in a general southeasterly direction along the range of mountains just west of Navarro river to a point about two and a half miles east-northeast of Mountain view. From here it runs due east, crossing Rancheria creek and

― 160 ―

then Anderson valley, in which it passes about a mile and a half south of the town of Boonville, to a point near the head of Anderson creek. Here it turns in a northeasterly direction and runs for a short distance to a point near the head of Feliz creek and about due east of Boonville, where it turns in a northwesterly direction and runs along the ridge separating the Russian river and the Navarro river drainages to a point near the head of Robertson creek; thence, turning eastward, it crosses Ukiah valley and Russian river probably about two miles and a half south of the town of Ukiah.See note 109. Keeping this easterly direction the line passes up the ridge south of Mill creek to the divide separating the drainages of Russian river and Clear lake. The line to this point generally trends eastward, forms the northern boundary of this dialectic area, and separates it from that of the Northern dialect. Here, taking a general southeasterly course, the line follows the divide between Russian river and Clear lake to a point nearly due east of the town of Cloverdale, and separates the Central from the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas. It then runs in a westerly direction probably along the ridge just north of Sulphur creek, and crosses Russian river at a point about two miles and a half up stream from Cloverdale and about half a mile south of the line between Mendocino and Sonoma counties.According to one informant the line crosses the river at a certain very deep pool, called kaptcū'tōn, and the territory of the Central and Southern dialects was very exactly marked at the river by this pool. Thence it passes westward about two miles, turns in a northwesterly direction, and follows the ridge west of Russian river to a point a short distance south of McDonald. From here it runs in a general westerly direction, crossing the head of Dry creek and passing south of the head of Rancheria creek to the head of Rock Pile creek. Here it turns west-southwestward and runs along the ridge separating the north fork of Gualala river from Rock Pile creek to the confluence of the north fork with the main branch of Gualala river. This portion of the boundary runs in a general westerly direction, and separates the Central from the Southern dialectic area. From here the boundary follows Gualala river down to the ocean, and forms the boundary between the

― 161 ―

Central and the Southwestern areas.According to one informant this boundary terminates at the ocean at a point about half way between the mouth of Gualala river and Black point. This informant stated that the boundary was very definitely marked at this point by an old dead redwood tree. The western boundary is the coast-line.

This very irregularly shaped area is surrounded on three sides by Pomo territory, as follows: on the north by the Northern, on the east by the Northern and Eastern, and on the south by the Southern and Southwesterly dialectic areas. On the west is the ocean.

General Description.

The Central dialectic area extends over three of the natural divisions previously described: the coast, redwood, and valley regions. The portion of the coast region included within the limits of this dialectic area extends from the ridge separating Salmon creek from Navarro river southward to the mouth of Gualala river, a distance of about thirty miles. The northern part of this stretch of coast is a succession of high ridges with intervening deep, steep-walled canyons, in some of which flow streams of considerable size. Toward the south these ridges decrease in height until in the vicinity of Alder creek the cliffs give place to a sandy beach which extends to the mouth of Garcia river. This beach is backed by large sand dunes, and farther back by a stretch of gently sloping open country a mile or so in width, to the foot-hills. This is the largest beach on the entire Pomo coast. With Point Arena, immediately south of Garcia river, the cliffs begin again and continue down to the southern limit of the area at Gualala river. Throughout the entire length of this section of the coast there is a strip of open country from a quarter of a mile to a mile and a half in width bordering the shore.

Beyond this coast strip is the redwood belt extending eastward over comparatively high and rugged mountains for from five to fifteen miles. Owing to the dense forest which covers these mountains they were not permanently inhabited, and were traversable only with difficulty except along one or two trails.

The valley portion of the region covered by this dialectic area comprises the valley of Russian river from a point about two and

― 162 ―

a half miles north of the town of Cloverdale and a half mile south of the boundary line between Mendocino and Sonoma countiesSee note 160. up to a point about two miles and a half south of the town of Ukiah.See note 109. The southern part of this portion of Russian river valley is narrow and hardly more than a river bed between the hills on either side. About two miles south of the town of Hopland the valley widens to about a mile, and continues as a fertile river bottom, known as Hopland or Sanel valley,This valley is called by the people of the Northern Pomo dialectic area cō'kōwama, and by those of the Eastern area cōkōwa'iīna-xaxō. for about five miles. It again narrows for a distance of about three miles, forming Knight's valley, and then widens once more to form Ukiah valley, which extends beyond the northern boundary of the dialect. Rancheria valley, a small valley situated along the upper course of Rancheria creek, one of the headwaters of Navarro river, is also included in this dialectic area.

As has been noted, each of the several regions of the Pomo territory had its typical food supply. The chief food of the coast people was derived from the ocean, molluscs, particularly mussels, being very abundant, while the seeds and roots of the wild grasses and flowering plants of the open coast country, and the oaks and other trees of the adjacent mountains, provided vegetable foods. The people in the valleys derived their chief supply of vegetable food from the acorn, adding also the seeds of various grasses and flowering plants, and certain edible bulbs and corms. Various kinds of game were to be had in the mountains, and fish were plentiful at certain seasons in the streams.

Coast Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

pda'haū, from pda, river, and ha, mouth, about four miles up Garcia river from its mouth and about five miles northeast of the town of Point Arena. This village, which commonly goes by the name of the Manchester or the Garcia River rancheria, consists of fifteen houses and about sixty inhabitants,See note 167. among whom

― 163 ―

are Indians from the old villages on Gualala river as well as from the old village of kō'dalaū, on Brush creek at a point about two miles northeast of pda'haū. The Garcia river flows in this part of its course through a steep-walled canyon. The village is on the north side of the canyon and is located but a few hundred yards below the site of the former village of ītcē'tcē.The present village is located on land belonging to the Indians themselves, having been purchased and presented to them by the Northern California Indian Association. Up the hill, north of the present village, is the site of the former village that had been inhabited for twenty-five years or more, the Indians having abandoned it only in 1902. This same location was used before the coming of white settlers as a permanent village. It appears that during the occupation of this site as a village since the coming of the whites it was called, like the present village, pda'haū; but prior to that time, during its occupation as a permanent village prior to the coming of the whites, it bore the name ītcē'tcē. The old village near the mouth of Garcia river also bore the name pda'haū.

Old Village Sites.

dama'ldaū, at a point probably about half way between Greenwood and Elk creeks, and at a distance of about half a mile back from the ocean.

ka'ūca, on what is called Cliff ridge between Elk and Greenwood creeks, and at a point near the north bank of the former and about a mile and a half back from the shore-line of the ocean. Standing near this site is a large dead redwood tree which is mentioned in some of the myths of the region as the one which enabled katca'-tca, one of the mythical beings, to escape from danō'-tca, another being who was pursuing him. This tree alone was large and strong enough to withstand the force of danō'-tca, which had been able to break down all the other trees up which katca'-tca had endeavored to escape. According to another informant this site is located at a point several miles farther up this same ridge.

kasi'ltcimada, from kasi'l, redwood, tcima', to run up or extend up stream, and da, ?, on the north bank of Alder creek and just east of the point at which the county road crosses the creek. This site is just south of the ranch house on what is known as the Luther Redemeyer ranch.

kō'dalaū, in the hills at a point about three and one-half miles from the ocean and near the north bank of Brush creek. This

― 164 ―

was evidently quite a large village and was one of the permanent homes of the people who made camps along the shore-line and among the hills at tcīdō'batē, bō'cadīlaū, cī'hōbō and other points. According to another informant this site is located at a point about a mile up the same ridge from the place above mentioned.

na'kōca, on the north bank of Brush creek at a point about five and a half miles east of the town of Manchester.

ītcē'tcē, said to signify anything which bounces as it is pulled along, on the north bank of Garcia river and just up the hill from the present village of pda'haū. This site, it would appear, was once permanently inhabited as a village, being later, possibly only during the earliest white occupation of the country, occupied as a camp. About twenty-five years ago the Indians established their modern village at this site and occupied it until 1902, when they abandoned it to move a few hundred yards down the hill toward the river onto the land purchased for them by the Northern California Indian Association.

pda'haū, from pda, river, and ha, mouth, near the north bank of Garcia river at the north end of the wagon bridge which crosses the river just north of Flumeville, almost due north of Point Arena. The Indian name of the present Garcia river rancheria, which is located about three miles up stream from this site, is also pda'haū.

djē'comī, just south of the cemetery which is situated about three-quarters of a mile north-northwest of the town of Point Arena.

ma'canena, from ma, ground, cane', sweat-house, and na or wina', on top of, on the northwest bank of the north fork of Gualala river at a point about seven miles from its confluence with the main stream.

katsa'iwanī, near the opposite bank of the north fork of Gualala river from ma'canena, and on the north bank of a small stream which flows into it.

la'tcûpda, on the north bank of the small stream mentioned in connection with katsa'iwanī, but at a point about a mile and a half up stream from that place. This site appears to have been the most important of the old sites on the head of the north fork of Gualala river and gave its name to the entire vicinity, the other

― 165 ―

villages in the neighborhood not being continuously inhabited as was the case with this one. However, the other sites must be regarded as permanent old villages for the Indians say that they were never abandoned for so long but that houses remained there constantly. la'tcûpda was located just north of what is known as Rock Pile, a prominent rocky mountain frequently mentioned in the myths of this region. There seems to be some doubt as to the exact location of la'tcûpda and kūbahmō'ī which lies in the Southern dialectic area. According to some informants these two villages were on opposite sides of the mountain, Rock Pile, above mentioned, which would bring kūbahmō'ī a number of miles farther up Rock Pile creek than is indicated below. From the most reliable information obtainable, however, the locations given for these two sites seem to be the correct ones.

īwī'kbēdabaū, from īwī', coyote, kabē', rock, and daba'ū, to split with the hand, on the opposite side of the small creek above mentioned from la'tcûpda. The Indians say that this name is given to this site because of the presence of a bluish rock which stands about two feet out of the ground and has an area three or four feet square. This rock is filled with small shallow cuppings and long narrow scratches or gashes, all of which are said to have been made by coyote. The rock is described as similar to certain rocks in the vicinity of the old villages of mū'yamūya and bō'dōnō in Russian river valley, which are said by the Indians of that vicinity to be medicine rocks and to have formerly been used as cures for sterility.

ma'tasama, from ma, ground, ta or tas, red, and sa'ma, near (?), on the northwest bank of the north fork of Gualala river at a point about a mile northeast of the old village of ma'canena.

tca'msūmlī, from tca, house, msū, said to signify charred or half burned, and lī, there, on the ridge separating the headwaters of Garcia river from those of the north fork of Gualala river and at a point probably about two miles and a half from the old village of la'tcûpda.

kle'tel, from kale', tree, and ite'l, to peel off, in the mountains between Garcia river and the headwaters of the north fork of Gualala river at a point probably about three miles and a half northwest of the old village of la'tcûpda.

― 166 ―

Old Camp Sites.

bō'cadīlaū, from bō, west, and ca'dīlaū, projecting point, on a projecting point of land at the shore-line just north of the town of Greenwood. This camp was at the southern end of the wagon bridge between Greenwood and Cuffey's Cove, about three-quarters of a mile to the north.

tcīdō'bate, at what is known as Bridgeport on the coast about two miles and a quarter south from the mouth of Elk creek.

cane'ūca, from cane', sweat-house, and wica', a small ridge, rather indefinitely located as being on the north bank of Gualala river at a point probably about twelve or thirteen miles up stream from its mouth.

īwī'yokca, from īwī', coyote, yō, down or south, and kca, gulch, rather indefinitely located as being on the north bank of Garcia river at a point about three miles up stream from cane'ūca. This site is probably the same as that mentioned by some of the whites of the vicinity, they having found stone implements and other evidences of former habitation at this place.

bahe'myō, from bahe'm, pepperwood, and yō, under, on the north bank of Garcia river on what is known as the Campbell ranch. This site is said to have been located on the immediate bank of the river and was probably not over a mile distant from īwī'yokca.

kaiye' 'lem, from kaiye' manzanita, and īle'm, between hills, near the south bank of Garcia river at a point probably about two miles up stream from bahe'myō.

kawa'tcam, from kawa', bark, and tcam, to fall across, near the north bank of Garcia river at a point probably about four miles up stream from kaiye' 'lem.

kacī'lcego, from kaci'l or kasi'l, redwood, and cego', ?, at Mountain View. The present hotel at Mountain View is located exactly upon this site. The Indian name is given because of the fact that there was formerly a small clump of redwoods near the spring at which the Indians always camped.

cī'hōbō, at a point in the mountains about ten miles a little north of east of the mouth of Garcia river and about one mile west of Mountain View. This camp was used by parties gathering

― 167 ―

acorns and other vegetable foods while the camps along the shore-line were for the purposes of gathering molluscs and sea-weeds, and for hunting sea-lions and other game along the shore.

ka'dalaū, from ka, water, dala'ū, to run down, in the bottom of the small gulch just south of the store in the small town known as Fish Rock, which is located on the coast at a point about three and a half miles northwest of Gualala. It would appear that this camp was only used by fishing parties and even then only rarely. The Indians claim that there were no regular camps between this point and the town of Point Arena to the north, though there were certain places along this stretch of coast where they occasionally camped for fishing or sea hunting.

ka'mli, anything thrown across, at a point about a quarter of a mile north of Bowen's Landing and about a mile and three-quarters northwest of the town of Gualala. This site is probably the same as that referred to by certain white informants of this vicinity who have found here various evidences of aboriginal occupation.

īwī' 'tcal, from īwī, coyote, and tca, house, near the ocean at a point about a mile northwest of the town of Gualala.

sō'wī, from sō, clover, and wī, place, near the north bank of the north fork of Gualala river at a point about a mile and a half up stream from its confluence with the main stream.

tse'ki, said to signify low in the center, on the ridge immediately south of the north fork of Gualala river and at a point about two miles east of its confluence with the main stream.

kasa'sam, in the mountains between the north fork of Gualala river and Rock Pile creek and at a point about five miles east of the confluence of the north fork with the main stream of Gualala river. The Indians say that this camp was particularly used as a stopping place for those returning heavily laden from the coast to la'tûcpda. They were usually easily able to make the trip from la'tcûpda to the coast in a single day, but some found it too fatiguing to return with a basketful of fish or molluscs in a single day and would therefore spend the night at kasa'sam.

― 168 ―

Valley Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Hopland Rancheria, at a point about a mile nearly due north of the town of Hopland. This village is located on land belonging to Mr. A. W. Foster, and is on the first rise of the foot-hills east of Russian river. It consists of sixteen houses and about one hundred inhabitants, among whom are to be found not only people from the old villages in this immediate vicinity, but also some from those in Ukiah valley and some from those along the river south of Hopland. A school is here maintained under the auspices of the Roman Catholic church.In Alley, Bowen and Company's History of Mendocino County, California, published in 1880, the following is said (page 173) of the Indian population at that time: "At the present time there is quite a village a few miles north of Sanel, the remnant of the Sanels, numbering perhaps one hundred and fifty. The village consists of some twenty thatched, dome-like huts, and in the center of it is located the inevitable sweat-house. South of Ukiah, about five miles, there are two or three small villages containing in all, perhaps, two hundred. Near Calpella there are, perhaps, fifty; east of Ukiah there are about one hundred. At Cahto there is a village of about seventy-five; at Sherwood valley there are about seventy-five. Near Point Arena there is a village of probably one hundred; and at the mouth of Big river there is a rancheria of about one hundred. There are others scattered over the county but these are the main villages."

yō'kaia, from yō, south, ka'ia, valley, Beatty Rancheria, or Cox Rancheria, about six miles south-southeast of the town of Ukiah, and in the foot-hills on the eastern side of the valley. Before the coming of the whites the people of this village lived chiefly at cō'kadjal, a short distance northwest of this site. After their return from the Mendocino reservation they lived at various places in this vicinity, chiefly on the western side of the valley, and moved to their present village only upon acquiring title to a tract of 145 acres of land extending from the east bank of Russian river back into the hills on the eastern side of the valley. The village which in 1903 consisted of nineteen houses and about eighty inhabitants, among whom were some from Hopland valley and some from the coast region of this dialectic area, has decreased until it contains not over fifty inhabitants at present.See note 167. There is here a large dance-house, which is, however, entirely modern, being octagonal in form, built of ordinary lumber, and

― 169 ―

entirely above ground. This building has not been used for dances for several years, but serves as a place of assemblage when occasion demands. In addition to the houses mentioned, there are a hop kiln and six barns. These people have on their land along the river a field of fourteen acres of hops, besides a field of grain, from both of which they derive a considerable revenue. There is a school at this village maintained under the auspices of the Roman Catholic church. During the summer months many of the inhabitants of this village move to the summer camp on the river near their hop field, while others move to the hop fields of various ranchers in the valley. The name yō'kaia, referring to the people of the southern part of Ukiah valley and more particularly those of the old village of cō'kadjal, has been used by various early writers. GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 112, 113, 421. mentions the "Yukai" as a "band" living in what is now called Ukiah valley. PowersTribes of California, p. 163. gives "Yo-kai-a" as the name of the people occupying Ukiah valley "from a point a little below Calpella down to about seven miles below Ukiah,"See note 109. and derives the name from "yo, down, below or lower, and kaia, valley." The late Mr. A. E. SherwoodHistory of Mendocino, op. cit., p. 167. gives the name "yo-kai-ah," with the translation of "deep valley." Also, various other orthographies have been used, as "Ukiah, or Yokai,"Bancroft, Native Races, I, 362, 449. "Ukiah,"Capt. Ford, Rept. Com. Ind. Aff. 1856, p. 257. "Yokaya,"Powell, op cit., p. 89. "Ya-ki-a,"M'Kee, Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 144. and "Yokia."V. K. Chesnut, Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California, U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Division of Botany, Contributions from U. S. National Herbarium, VII, no. 3, p. 303 seq. PurdyOp. cit., Land of Sunshine, XV, 444. uses "Yokaia Pomo" with the translation of "South Valley People." Some confusion has arisen from the inconsistency of the alphabets employed by these various authors, particularly because of the likeness of some of these spellings of yō'kaia to those of Yuki, which name has been even more variously and inconsistently rendered. The name,

― 170 ―

now spelled Ukiah, is applied to the county seat of Mendocino county, and to the valley in which that town is situated. The first use of it other than as a purely Indian word is found in the name Yokaya Rancho.The orthography above given is that used by Alley Bowen and Company (op. cit., p. 211), while Brackenridge uses Yokayo (Map of Mendocino County, op. cit.). This rancho was an old Mexican grant of eight square leagues of land extending along Russian river for a distance of eighteen miles from a point about four miles north of Hopland to near the head of Redwood valley north of Calpella.

kabē'k!al, from kabē', rock, and k!al, to rub, at the foot-hills on the opposite side of the valley from the yō'kaia rancheria, and at a point about five and a half miles south of the town of Ukiah. This site takes its name from a white rock, supposed to possess medicinal qualities, which stands a short distance west of it. There is here at present but a single house and five people. There is another house, in which six Indians live, on the flat east of this one and near the river. These people all belong to the yō'kaia rancheria and have lived at this place continuously only for about two years. Previous to this they usually spent only part of the year here.

Yorkville Rancheria, near the west bank of Rancheria creek at a point about a mile and a half northwest of the town of Yorkville. This village consists of only two houses and about ten inhabitants, and is situated on a tract of land belonging to the Indians themselves. This tract, containing forty acres, a considerable part of which is covered with redwood timber, was purchased by the Indians some years ago at a cost of six hundred dollars.

Old Village Sites.

kolo'kō, near Echo at a point on Russian river about two miles north of the southern boundary of the Central dialectic area. There are two places here which were formerly inhabited, though at different times: one just north of the railroad station at Echo, and the other just east, across the river.

ce'pda, on both banks of Wise creek at the railroad station of Cummiskey.

kca'kaleyō, on the east bank of Russian river at a point about three quarters of a mile northeast of Cummiskey.

― 172 ―

found it at the time of his visit to the region. He saysIbid., p. 172. also, "Besides the Senel, there live in the vicinity the So-ko'-wa, the La'-ma, and the Si'-a-ko, very small tribes or villages." GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 112. mentions "the Sah-ne'ls" in his record of the Indians who entered into a treaty with Colonel M'Kee. And again, in speaking of their language, he says, "the Sah-ne'ls, as also the Boch-he'af, Ubak-he'a, Tabah-te'a, and Moi-ya, living between them and the coast speak the same." M'KeeSenate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 144. calls them "the Sai-nals." Powell,Ind. Ling. Fam., p. 89. probably following Powers, spells the name "Senel," as do also Alley, Bowen and Company.History of Mendocino County, p. 167. BancroftHist. Cal., I, 362, 450, 452. gives the name of the Indians the same as that of the present town: "The Sanels, Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos lived in the vicinity of the village of Sanel," and Mr. Carl PurdyPomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers, Land of Sunshine Magazine, XV, 442. mentions them as the "Sanelos." The name is also found in "Rancho de Senel."The Rancho de Senel was an old Mexican land grant obtained by Fernando Feliz in 1844. It comprised four square leagues, covering Hopland or Sanel valley and the adjacent hills. Feliz, who was the first settler in this valley, built his adobe house only a short distance from the Indian village of cane'l.—History of Mendocino County, op. cit., p. 212, and N. B. Brackenridge's Official Map of Mendocino County, 1887. Besides the village of cane'l here under consideration there is another village of that name in Potter valley on the east fork of Russian river.

cō'samak, in what is called McDowell valley near the head of McDowell creek, and at a point about a mile and three-quarters northeast of Sanel or Old Hopland. It appears that this village has not been inhabited for many years and there are stories to the effect that many years ago the people of this village, which was at that time a very large one, were all taken by a contagious disease. This is also the village mentioned in one of the myths of the region which says that the people here at one time were miraculously changed to birds which flew away, the village never again being occupied.

kawī'mō, from kawī', anything small, and mō, hole, at a point

― 174 ―

of Russian river at a point about a mile and a half up stream from the confluence of McNab creek with it. There is considerable doubt as to whether this site was ever inhabited by the present Indians, but it is given by some as an ordinary village. By others, however, it is given as the site of a village occupied by the mythical people only. According to one informant mū'yamūya was a great ugly-looking hairy man-like being nine or ten feet in height, who lived alone near a spring called kapa'sil, spring brush, in the brush at a point about a quarter of a mile south of the old village of lē'ma. As any one passed by he would always make fun of them and invite them to gamble. No one ever paid any attention to his bantering, but passed on and as his back was turned mū'yamūya would run up and steal whatever the person was carrying and make off with it. On account of his strength and size the people were afraid to attack him at such times, but they eventually gave a big dance and feast to which he was invited, and there they endeavored to kill him. He warned them repeatedly that if he were killed some great calamity would befall them, but said that if they wished to dispose of him they must dress him up in a certain very rich costume and throw him into a big pool in the river at the foot of the cliff just north of the village of mū'yamūya. They, however, paid no attention to his warning and proceeded to pinion him and allow the women to pound him to pieces with pestles. They then threw the mangled remains away and rejoiced that they were at last rid of this vicious tormentor. But no sooner had they returned to the village than he also appeared, the pieces of his body having come together and reunited. At other times he was known to have been attacked by grizzly bears while hunting and to have been chewed into bits by them and still to have survived. Finally after the people of this village had endeavored a number of times to kill mū'yamūya they determined to again try mashing him. They accordingly caught him and took him to the top of the cliff just north of the village and mashed his body completely, this time not overlooking any parts and particularly the great toe of his right foot. Under the nail of mū'yamūya's great toe on the right foot there was a small hard kernel which when cut open and examined was found to enclose his heart. It was the overlooking

― 175 ―

of this heart that had formerly baffled their attempts to kill him. This time, however, they cut out the heart and rolled the fragments of the body over the cliff into the pool below, also rolling large boulders after them. The boulders may now be seen at the foot of this cliff. The people then celebrated the occasion with a great dance, at the end of which all were transformed into birds which flew away, and the village has never since been inhabited.

A hundred yards or so west of this site is a bluish stonew which protrudes from the ground but a few inches. The surface of this is filled with small cuppings and scratches or gashes where the rock has been scraped and pulverized as a medicine for the cure of sterility. Other rocks of the same kind are located near the old village of bō'dōnō.

ta'tem, from ta', sand, and īte'm, a small open place, on what is known as the Smith ranch now owned by Mr. Charles Yates on the east bank of Russian river at a point about two miles north-northwest of Largo and about seven and a half miles south-southeast of Ukiah. This village derived its name from the sandy flat upon which it was situated. In former times the river ran farther to the east and near this site, so that the site itself was overflowed every year and covered with sand. The river has shifted its course so that at the present time it runs about a quarter of a mile west of the old site. At times of such high water the people of this village moved to a place but a short distance east of the village which was high enough to be dry, returning again to the sandy flat as soon as the water subsided. This was one of the largest of the old villages in Ukiah valley and was situated at the extreme southern end of the valley. From all that can be learned this village was nearly as large as cō'kadjal

tca'kca, from tca, house, and kca, canyon, just northwest of the present yō'kaia village and at a point about a quarter of a mile east of Russian river. The ranch house on the "old" Beatty ranch, now owned by Mr. H. H. Van Nader, stands on this site. It appears that this was originally only a temporary village, being occupied now and then for short periods of time, but that later, probably after the arrival of white settlers, it was occupied for a term of years.

― 176 ―

cane'milam, from cane', sweat-house, and mila'm, burned or otherwise totally destroyed, at the house on Dr. King's ranch just east of Russian river and at a point about five miles south-southeast of Ukiah.

cō'kadjal, just north of the ranch house on the Rhodes ranch at a point about four miles and a half south-southeast of Ukiah. There was formerly a small pond at this place which was situated just west of the hop kiln and the ranch house, and it was on the east or northeast shore of this pond that the village was located. This was the largest of the yō'kaia villages and the largest village in the southern part of Ukiah valley. It appears that this village and ta'tem were the only two in this immediate vicinity which might properly be called permanent villages, although there were various others which were more or less continuously inhabited, but the people of the other villages seemed to consider these two as their real homes and it was here, particularly at cō'kadjal, that large gatherings for ceremonial and other purposes were held.

After what is known as the Bloody Island massacre at Clear Lake in 1850, when a detachment of troops under Captain Lyons visited that region to avenge the so-called Stone and Kelsey massacre and succeeded in killing a large number of Indians who had taken refuge on Bloody Island, the detachment of troops crossed the divide into Russian river valley and killed many Indians there. Among the other places visited was cō'kadjal, where, upon being met with a slight show of resistance, they killed, according to information obtained from Indians who escaped, about seventy-five.

canē'nēū, from cane', sweat-house, and nē'u, to place, on the south bank of Robertson creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile from its confluence with Russian river. The ranch house on the ranch now owned by Mr. Isaac Burk stands on this site. It appears that this was one of the smaller villages and was possibly not continuously occupied in aboriginal times. However, after the coming of white settlers the people of cō'kadjal occupied this site continuously for several years.

bō'kca, from bō, west, and kca, canyon, on the south bank of Robertson creek at a point about a mile and three-quarters from

― 177 ―

its confluence with Russian river. This is near the bridge across Robertson creek at the Wilcox ranch.

bō'dōnō, from bō, west, and dōnō' or danō', mountain, just southeast of the county road at the point where it passes the ranch house on the Elledge ranch, and at a point about four and a half miles southwest of the confluence of Robertson creek with Russian river and about a mile south of the creek. This village is well back in the mountains and it appears that while it is was permanently inhabited in so far that there were a few people living here at all times, it perhaps should not be classed as one of the regular and permanent old villages. It was used by the people of cō'kadjal and the other villages in the valley as a food gathering and a hunting camp, they going here regularly at certain seasons of the year; and in this way it may be considered as much a camp as a village in the strict sense of the term. A few hundred yards northwest of this site are two bluish rocks which project a short distance from the surface of the ground. The surfaces of these are covered with cuppings and furrows or gashes where the rock has been ground and scraped into a powder to be used as a cure for sterility. Another rock of this same sort is situated near the old village of mū'yamūya.

dakō'lkabe, probably from dakō', pestle, and kabe', rock, near the east bank of Rancheria creek at a point about two and a quarter miles south-southeast of the town of Boonville. According to one informant the people of this village owned the adjoining land for about a mile north of the village or about to the summit of the ridge between Rancheria and Anderson creeks, which would place the boundary between the Central and Northern dialectic areas about as given on the accompanying map. This site is claimed to be a village by most informants, but there are those who state that the place was never inhabited and who know it only as a conspicuous pile of rocks.

sa"nōlyō, near the east bank of Rancheria creek at a point about five miles down the stream from Yorkville.

kō'thwī, near the east bank of Rancheria creek at a point about three miles down stream from Yorkville.

cta'la, in a small valley southwest of Rancheria creek and at a point about three and a half miles northwest of Yorkville and a mile west-southwest of kō'thwī.

― 178 ―

la'te, on the west bank of Rancheria creek at a point about a mile nearly due west of Yorkville.Powers in his tribes of California (p. 172) gives the Indians of Anderson and Rancheria valleys as united politically. Under the head of "Koma'cho" he says: "These Indians live in Rancheria and Anderson valleys, and are a branch of the great Pomo family, though more nearly related to the Senel than the Pomo proper. Their name is derived from their present chief, whose authority extends over both valleys." It is very unusual to find the authority of a single individual extending farther than his own immediate village, and, in view of the fact that, according to present information, these two valleys were inhabited by people speaking different dialects, kōma'tcō being really applied to the people in Anderson valley in the Northern dialectic area, it seems probable that Powers' statements on the subject do not give the condition in aboriginal times. It sometimes happens that the whites consider the authority of an individual Indian to extend much farther than it really does, and it is probable that the leader or captain referred to here was treated by the whites as having authority over the people inhabiting both of these valleys, and from this he may have come to be considered so by the Indians themselves, at least in so far as their dealings with the whites were concerned. Powell (op. cit., p. 88) and Bancroft (History of California, I, 362, 449) mention the same people, the former using Powers' spelling of the name, and the latter changing it to "Comacho." Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 112) mentions four "tribes," the "Boch-he'af, Ubak-he'a, Tabah-te'a and Moiya," who, he says, lived between the Senel valley and the coast. Tabah-te'a is evidently the village of ta'bate near Philo in Anderson valley. Boch-he'af is probably bō'kēya, a name applied by the people of the Russian river valley to those living in Rancheria valley.

kala'icōlem, at a point about a mile and a quarter south-southwest of Yorkville.

kaiye'lle, at a point about three-quarters of a mile north of Whitehall.

nōtce'tīyō, at Whitehall.

mabō'tōn, indefinitely located at a point probably a mile and a half a little south of east of Whitehall.

la'li, indefinitely located at a point near the head of Rancheria creek and probably about two miles southwest of Whitehall.

Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.

katca'yō, from katca', flint, and yō, under, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about six and a half miles south of Ukiah. This village is located at the foot-hills on the Higgins ranch. Just up the hill from this site there is an outcropping of flint of various colors and it was here that much of the flint used for drill points and in the manufacture of various other implements was obtained. It is this outcropping of flint that is referred to in the village name. According to some informants this

― 179 ―

village was inhabited to a limited extent before the coming of white settlers, but from the most reliable information obtainable it appears that its occupation dates only as far back as the coming of settlers to the valley.

kala'lnōkca, from kala'l-nō, white willow, and kca, canyon, on the small creek called kala'lnōkca-pda which runs from the west into Russian river on the Higgins ranch about six miles south of Ukiah. This site is located a short distance north of the creek at a point about a mile from the river. The village, the greater part of which was situated on the north bank of the stream, was occupied for about ten or fifteen years soon after the coming of white settlers to this region, and has not been inhabited for twenty-five or thirty years.

būki'snal, from bū, Indian potatoes, kis, heart burn, and nal, forest, at a point about half a mile northeast of the hop kiln on the H. H. Van Nader ranch and but a short distance north-northeast of the present yō'kaia rancheria. This site was inhabited for only a short time, but the name was always applied to this vicinity, which was used as a hunting ground in aboriginal times.

bana'kaiyaū, at the house on what is known as the Howell "home" ranch at a point about half a mile east of Russian river and about four miles south-southeast of Ukiah.

Old Camp Sites.

batcō'adanō, from batcō'a, angelica, and danō', mountain, indefinitely located at a point about a mile and a half southwest of Echo.

cabū'tūkkawī, indefinitely located at a point about two miles west-northwest of Echo and about a mile and three-quarters southwest of Cummiskey.

cete'kō, at McDonald.

cīyō'tōn, from cīyō', shade or shadow, and tōn, ?, at a point about a mile north of McDonald.

a'kūle, in the hills at a point about two miles northeast of Echo.

cīyō'ksītī, at a point about two miles east-southeast of Fountain.

― 180 ―

sū'lmō, from sūl, California condor, Cathartes Californianus, and mō, hole, at a point about a hundred yards northwest of cīyōksītī. These two sites are so close together that it has been necessary to indicate them on the map by a single symbol.

ta'tī, at a point about a mile and three-quarters due east of Fountain. This camp bears the same name as a camp on Feliz creek west of Hopland.

bō'pda'wī, from bō, west, pda, creek, and wī, place, on Feliz creek at a point about a mile up stream from Hopland. This camp was located on both sides of the creek.

tca'mna, from tcam, live oak (?) and nal, forest, at a point about two miles up Feliz creek from Hopland.

ta'tī, at a point about three miles and a half up Feliz creek from Hopland. This camp bears the same name as a camp in the hills east of Fountain.

kō'dakatc, arched or bowed up, at a point about four miles up Feliz creek from Hopland.

kabē'bot, from kabē, rock, and bot, scattered around in small pieces (?), in the hills north of Feliz creek at a point probably about half a mile north of the creek and three miles west of Hopland. Some informants give this as a regular camp used in hunting, but others say that this place and vicinity were occupied by a mythical people who stole children and spoiled the luck of hunters, and there are myths which relate instances of both.

bō'cema, near the north bank of McNab creek at a point about a mile and a quarter from its confluence with Russian river.

bō'tcematc, from bō, west and tce'matc, narrow valley (?) at a point about three miles and a quarter up McNab creek from Russian river and about a mile and a quarter up the creek from the old village of lē'ma.

tcīmōna'l, from tcīm, the plant Carex barbarae, and nal, forest, at a point about a mile north of Largo and on the east bank of Russian river. This was a camp used chiefly by the people of cīē'go and derives its name from the fact that the Carex grew very abundantly and to an unusual height here.

dū'mī, near the confluence of Dry creek with Russian river at a point about six and a half miles south of Ukiah, and about a mile south-southwest of the present yō'kaia rancheria. The location

― 181 ―

given on the accompanying map is on the north bank of this creek, and on the Horst Brothers ranch, but according to other informants there was still another site on the south bank of the creek and about a quarter of a mile up stream. After the coming of the whites this site was occupied permanently for a short time by at least a few Indians.

tcacō'l, at a point just south of the confluence of Robertson creek with Russian river. This site is located just east of the railroad track on the Isaac Burk ranch and nearly due east of the ranch house.

cō'dōnō, from cō, east, and dōnō' or danō', mountain, at a point about a mile east of Russian river and about four miles southeast of Ukiah. This site is located at the foot of a rocky peak about a mile south of Mill creek.

kawī'aka, at a point about a quarter of a mile west of Russian river and about three miles south of Ukiah. This site is located on the first bench of land up from the river bottom and is just west of a small slough which runs through the Cox and Dutton ranches. Before the coming of white settlers to this region the river itself ran in this slough, which is at a distance of about a quarter of a mile west of the present course of the river. The ranch house on the Cox ranch is situated on this site.

camō'ka, near the south bank of Robertson creek at a point about three and a half miles up stream from Russian river. This camp seems to have been but little used and only an approximate location could be obtained for it.

tcīe'ūna, from tcī'eū, said to signify the highest point on a stream to which large fish, such as salmon, can ascend, and ūna', or wīna' on top of, at or near the ranch house on the Lucas ranch at a point about five miles up Robertson creek from its confluence with Russian river.

bōa'nō, from bō, west, and a'nū or a'nō, behind, in the mountains north of Robertson creek and at a point probably about four and a half miles west of Russian river and about two miles north of Robertson creek. This site was indefinitely located by informants.

yōma'caditc, from yō, south, ma, ground, and caditc, point; or yō'madīdī, at the Finney ranch on the eastern slope of the summit

― 182 ―

of the range separating the Russian river and the Navarro river drainages and at a point about five miles northeast of the town of Boonville. This site stands just south of the ranch house here.

maca'l, in the mountains southwest of Rancheria creek and at a point about two and three-quarters miles a little north of west of the town of Yorkville. There was a large open field here where grasses and other vegetable foods were fairly abundant. This was, however, a hunting camp as well as a food gathering camp.

batī'ûkalēwī, in the mountains at a point probably about four miles due west of Yorkville.

pō'lma, from pōl or pō, red, and ma, earth, near the west bank of Rancheria creek at a point about a mile southwest of Yorkville.

Modern Camp Sites.

yō'kaia, from yō, south, and ka'ia, valley, on the est bank of Russian river on the ranch of the yō'kaia Indians. The permanent village is located in the foot-hills on the eastern side of Ukiah valley. Many of the Indians occupy this camp during the summer months.

Eastern Dialect.

Boundaries.

From a point on the Pomo-Yuki interstock boundary a short distance southeast of Big Horse mountain, the boundary line of the Eastern dialectic area follows the interstock line which runs in a southeasterly direction along the ridge separating the drainage of the Rice fork of South Eel river from that of Middle creek, and thence along the ridge east of Clear lake to a point about due east of the old village of cī'gōm near Morrison's landing. This boundary follows the general trend of the mountains in this region and separates the Yuki and Wintun territories from that of the Eastern Pomo dialect. At this point the line takes a south-westerly course, coming to the lake shore at Bald mountain, kītcī'danō, where it turns in a southerly direction, passing into the

― 183 ―

lake and toward Mt. Kanaktai,Mt. Kanaktai is, perhaps, better known to the white inhabitants of the vicinity as Uncle Sam mountain, and it is so named on most maps. As nearly as can be learned the first name given to it by Americans was Mt. M'Kee, which was used by Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 109 seq.), and was evidently given to it in honor of Colonel Redick M'Kee, United States Indian Agent, who explored the region north of San Francisco bay in 1851 for the purpose of locating reservations for the Indians. The name Kanaktai is derived from the Southeastern Pomo dialect name for the mountain, which is kno'ktai, from kno, mountain, and xatai, woman. The mountain is said to have some connection with a mythical woman. In Slocum, Bowen and Company's History of Napa and Lake Counties (Lake County, p. 37), and on the California State Mining Bureau's "Mineral Map of Lake County" the spellings are "Konockti" and "Konochti" respectively. The people speaking the Eastern Pomo dialect call it caxa'lgūnal-danō, caxa'lgīnal-danō, and danō'-batin (mountain big), the first, however, being most commonly used. This name is also mentioned by Slocum, Bowen and Company (ibid.) with the spelling "Sha-hul-gu-nal-da-noo." The mountain is also occasionally called by the Eastern Pomo xūnū'-danō, or luck mountain, which name it derives from the fact that certain plants, the roots of which are very powerful charms, particularly in gambling, are most efficient when obtained from this mountain. Along with this belief goes another that the mountain, which is of volcanic origin, and upon which there are said to be no springs or other sources of water, is the abode of numerous strange animals and beings, some of which are so potent that the sight of them causes death. The Wintun on Cache creek give the mountain the name be'n-toL, signifying "big mountain," which, however, is not confined to this peak, but seems to be applied by the Wintun in its immediate vicinity to any prominent mountain. As an instance, St. John mountain at the head of Stony creek bears this name. The Moquelumnan of Coyote valley on Putah creek call it ûdi'-pawī, which also signifies "big mountain." finally coming to the northern boundary of the Clear Lake Wappo areaAs has been previously stated, there was in no part of the waters of Clear lake any exact dividing line between the portions belonging to the people occupying the adjacent lands, so that any line run through the lake as a boundary between adjacent areas is only approximate and should not be considered as marking off any limits to the fishing or hunting privileges of the peoples in the vicinity. Nominally however, the people inhabiting the shore in any particular part of the lake were recognized to have a certain special part of the adjacent waters which they in a way controlled but did not monopolize or restrict to their own exclusive uses. which it follows with its westerly trend to the southern shore of Clear lake at a point about a quarter of a mile west of the mouth of Kelsey creek. It here turns southward, passing from a quarter to a half mile west of Cole creek, and runs to a point about three and a half miles south-southeast of the town of Kelseyville where it turns eastward, crossing the head of Cole creek, and runs to the summit of the divide between the headwaters of Cole creek and the drainage of Lower lake, the southern arm of Clear lake. It then runs southward along this divide to a point near the head of Cole creek. This portion of the boundary separates the territory of the Eastern

― 184 ―

Pomo from those of the Southeastern Pomo and the Clear Lake Wappo. From the head of Cole creek the boundary takes a little more westerly course along this range of mountains, which connects Mt. Kanaktai with Mt. St. Helena, probably to Cobb mountain, and separates the Eastern Pomo from the Northern Moquelumnan area. The point at which the boundary leaves this range is not definitely known; but it passes in a northwesterly direction along the divide separating the drainage of Russian river from that of Clear lake to a point near the southern headwaters of Scott's creek, separating in this portion of its course the Eastern from the Southern and Central Pomo dialectic areas. From here it runs east for a short distance, then north to the shore of Clear lake at a point just north of the town of Lakeport. From this point up to the strait joining the main body of Clear lake with its northern arm the shore was owned by people speaking the Northern dialect. There seem, however, to have been no restrictions as to the use of any particular part of the lake itself by the people speaking either dialect: on the contrary, it seems rather to have been considered as common property and freely used by both. From Rocky point, on the western shore of this strait, the line runs in a general northerly direction along the low ridge which lies west of Upper Lake, crosses Scott's creek at its emergence into Upper Lake valley, and runs along the ridge separating the drainage of Middle creek from that to the north of Tule lake, and finally intersects the interstock line at the starting point, a short distance southeast of Big Horse mountain. The Northern dialectic area lies west of this portion of the boundary.

The territory occupied by the people speaking the Eastern dialect is roughly trapezoidal in form, and is surrounded partly by other Pomo territory and partly by territory belonging to other linguistic families. On the northeast lies Yuki and Wintun territory and on the east are the areas of the Southeastern Pomo, the Clear Lake Wappo, and the Northern Moquelumnan, while on the southwest and west the territory is adjoined by the Southern, Central, and Northern Pomo areas.

― 185 ―

General Description.

The Eastern dialectic area lies wholly within the lake region, which has been previously described, and is divided by the main body of Clear lake into two parts: the northern or Upper lakeUpper lake is a small body of water connected with the remainder of Clear lake by a narrow strait. It is called by all the people of the Eastern dialectic area xa'-xaiyaū, water (lake) head, it being considered the head of Clear lake. The name is applied also to all the surrounding country even as far west as Bachelor valley and Tule lake. Upper lake is also sometimes called xa-xo'rxa. division, comprising all the territory north of the main body of Clear lake; and the southern or Big valleyBig valley is called by the people in the Upper lake region, yō'-xag` ōi, or south valley, and by those of the Southeastern dialectic area, and also by the Wintun living on Cache creek, kala'mai. division, comprising all the territory south of the main body of Clear lake. About the shores of Upper lake, the northern arm of Clear lake, and for several miles up Middle creek there extends a fertile valley surrounded on three sides by high, sparsely wooded hills. On the southern shore of Clear lake there is a still larger and very fertile valley, called Big valley, from which the division takes its name. Immediately to the east of Big valley Mt. Kanaktai rises to a considerable height, but is on the whole very barren as compared with the lower hills to the south and west. The valley itself is watered by several small streams. The principal villages of the Eastern Pomo were near the lake shore in these two valleys, and thus as near as possible to the lake which was the chief source of food supply. The men took an abundance of fish with nets from their canoes and by means of weirs and traps set in the creeks, while water birds were always to be had and were especially plentiful at certain seasons of the year. The valleys and surrounding hills provided an abundance of acorns and other vegetable foods. On the whole the natural resources of the lake region seem to have been exceptional, and there was undoubtedly a large population here in former times.

Upper Lake Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

yō'būtūī, from yō, south, and būtū', knoll, near the west bank of Scott's creek at a point about two miles south-southwest of the

― 186 ―

town of Upper Lake. The present village, consisting of only a couple of houses with half a dozen inhabitants, stands on the site of a very old and once populous village. This old village is often mentioned in the myths of this region in connection with maiyī', another old site located a short distance to the north.Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 35, say: "The Yo-voo-tu-ea were neighbors of the Ki-ous, and were just east of them, on the borders of Tule lake. Their former number was one hundred and fifty, which is now reduced to forty-five. Ja-ma-toe was their chief." Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Yo-voo-tu-ea, a small hill."

kabēmatō'lil, from kabē', rock and matō'lk, to scatter, on the west bank of Middle creek about two miles north of the town of Upper lake. This village, the largest of the villages of this dialect, consists of twenty-four houses and about one-hundred inhabitants, and is located on land belonging to the Indians themselves. Here are to be found inhabitants of nearly all the old villages of the Upper Lake division as well as a few individuals from the Big Valley division. In addition to the number of houses mentioned there are in all nineteen other buildings, mostly barns, as many of the Indians keep horses and poultry. There is a large dance-house built a few years ago on modern plans. It is octagonal in form, entirely above ground, and is built of ordinary lumber. A school is maintained here under the auspices of the Methodist Episcopal church.

Bank ranch, on the northeastern shore of Clear lake at a point about six miles southeast of the town of Upper Lake. This village consists of six houses and about twenty inhabitants.

Old Village Sites.

kabe'l, or xabe'l in the Eastern dialect, from kabē', rock. This site, which was mentioned when treating of the villages in the Northern dialectic area, lies on the eastern slope of a prominent point, called Rocky Point, which projects some distance from the western shore of the channel connecting the main body of Clear lake with its northern arm. There is some doubt as to whether this was in the strictest sense a village. One informant says that on the higher ground was the site of a winter camp, and down by the shore a summer camp, the entire settlement thus falling into the class of camps. Other informants also refer to the place as a

― 187 ―

camp-site, while some call it a village. At all events it seems quite certain that however the site may be classed, there were at all times a certain number of people living at it, and that for this reason it may be considered a village. The control of the place and surrounding territory seems to have been left to the Scott's valley people, who spoke the Northern dialect, and it may therefore be considered as having belonged to them. The Scott's valley people did not, however, exercise any exclusive jurisdiction over the place, the people of the Upper Lake region coming and going at will and enjoying fishing and hunting rights equally with the Scott's valley people. For this reason the settlement may be considered part of the Eastern as well as the Northern dialectic area. Indicative of this community of interest the boundary line between the Northern and Eastern dialectic areas has been drawn on the map through the village site itself. This was evidently a place of considerable importance in former times, as it is often spoken of by the old Indians in relating the early history of this section and is frequently referred to in myths.

yō'būtūi, from yō, south, and bū'tū, knoll, near the west bank of Scott's creek at a point about two miles south-southwest of the town of Upper Lake. This site, which is now occupied by the present small village of the same name, was once occupied by a large and populous village which is often mentioned in the myths of the region in connection with maiyī', another old site located a short distance to the north.

kūca'danōyō, from kūca', live oak, danō', mountain, and yō, under, on the south bank of Scott's creek at a point about a mile and a half southwest of the town of Upper Lake and about a quarter of a mile north of yō'būtūi.

xō'walek, in Upper Lake valley at a point a short distance west of Middle creek and about three-quarters of a mile northwest of the town of Upper Lake.Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 35, say: "The Quoi-lak, or Hwoi-lak, tribe was located just north of the town of Upper Lake, and near the residence of Benjamin Dewell. They numbered one hundred and twenty, but have only fifty now. Da-mot was their chief." Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Hwoi-lak, a city of fire." One informant, a woman from the Upper Lake valley, says that da-mō't was the name of one of the captains of the old village of xo'walek.

― 188 ―

danō'xa, from danō', mountain, and xa, water, in the foot-hills about two miles northeast of the town of Upper Lake. This site is on the western slope of a hill overlooking the lake. Slocum, Bowen and Company undoubtedly refer to this village, the name of which they give as "Di-noo-ha-vah,""The Di-noo-ha-vah tribe were on the north side of the head of Clear lake, but farther east than the last named," referring to xō'wallek. "They numbered one hundred, and are now reduced to about forty. Goo-ke was their chief."—Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35. Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "Di-noo-ha-vah, a city built in the cut (cañon) of a mountain." One informant, a woman from the Upper Lake valley, says that her uncle gūkī' was a captain of the old village of danō'xa. and it is probable that the same village is referred to by MasonProfessor Mason in giving the interpretations of Pomo basket designs, as furnished to the U. S. National Museum by Dr. J. W. Hudson, says, "Danokakea, Mountain Waters tribe," and speaks of them as "once living six miles north of Upper Lake, in the mountains on the headwaters of McClure creek, and a close affinity and neighbor of the Pomo of Potter Valley."—Abor. Amer. Basketry, op. cit., p. 328. It seems probable that this is the same village as danō'xa, although located some distance from that site as here given and spoken of as affiliated with the Potter valley people, which those of danō'xa were not. as "Danokakea."

danō'co, from danō' mountain, and cō, east, about half a mile east of danō'xa and on the eastern slope of the same hill.

dīwī'lem, from dīwī', coyote, and īle'm, flat (?), on a small knoll a quarter of a mile southeast of the town of Upper Lake. The present residence on the Rice Estate stands on this site.

behe'pal, from behe', pepperwood or California laurel, Umbellularia Californica, and pal, ?, at the foot of the hills on the eastern side of Upper Lake valley at a point about three-quarters of a mile east of the town of Upper Lake. The site is near the ranch house on what is known as the "old" George Bucknell ranch. This village, which is also occasionally called ga'behe, from ga, house, and behe', California laurel, was also occupied in more recent times, there being a large village here about thirtyfive years ago. This village was the scene of a great ceremony at about that time, the Indians from various parts of the region even as far west as the coast having gathered about the lake to await the end of the world. The ceremony was one introduced from the Sacramento valley region, several shamans from the vicinity of Grand Island having been brought over to conduct it. The series of ceremonies which was celebrated at this time extended more or less continuously over a period of about two

― 189 ―

years, the principal ones being held at xa'dalam on Kelsey creek in Big valley. At behe'pal a large dance-house of special form for the celebration of these ceremonies was built. It would appear that these beliefs and practices were the result of the ghostdance movement which influenced other Indians of northern California and Nevada in the early seventies.

badō'nnapōtī, badō'n, island, napō', village, tī, old, on the southern slope of BloodyBloody island receives its name from a battle, known as the Bloody island massacre, fought between the Indians of the Clear lake vicinity and troops in 1850. The Indians made a stand on this island, but were attacked by water, their retreat being cut off by land, with the result that a great number were killed. Although this is called an island it is not completely surrounded by water except during the rainy season, and is accessible by trails through the marshes on the north during the greater portion of the year. Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 109) refers to this island as "Battle island." or Upper Lake island, situated at the extreme northern end of Upper lake. The people of this village seem to have lived either here or at danō'xa as they chose. This and danō'xa were not, however, camps, but permanently established villages. This site is used at present by the Indians in the vicinity of Upper Lake as a fishing camp during certain seasons of the year.

cīwa', on the eastern shore of Upper Lake near its northern extremity. This site is almost due east of Upper Lake island. According to one informant the name cīwa' is not a word taken from the ordinary language, but is a name given to this site by Coyote when it was a village occupied by the race of bird people who inhabited the earth before the coming of the present Indians.

kakū'lkalewīcal, from kakū'l, white oak, kale', tree and wīca'l, ridge, or bō'tar, on the eastern shore of Upper lake at a point about a mile northeast of the strait joining Upper lake with the main body of Clear lake.

La'xpūtsūm, from Lax, opening or inlet, and pū'tsūm, point, on the eastern shore of Clear lake at the end of the point which projects from the east to separate Upper lake from the main body of Clear lake at the strait which joins the two. Along the shore of Clear lake in this vicinity there is at some little distance from the shore a line of tule. There was a narrow passage through this where canoes entered from the open water of the lake to the landing place on the shore adjacent to the village, and it was

― 190 ―

this passage or inlet through the tule which gave the village its name.

ha'līka, from ha'lī, the edible fleshy covering of the nut of the California laurel, Umbellularia Californica, on the northeastern shore of the main body of Clear lake and at a point about seven miles southeast of the town of Upper lake and half a mile southeast of the present Bank Ranch village.

cī'gōm, on the northeastern shore of Clear lake at a point near Morrison's Landing, and about two miles southeast of the present Bank Ranch village. GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 109. mentions the "She-kom" as one of the "tribes" living on the shores of Clear lake, as does also M'Kee,Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 136. who spells the name "Che-com." Slocum, Bowen and Company also mention these people as the "She-gum-ba tribe.""The She-gum-ba tribe lived across the lake from Lakeport, where Mr. Morrison now resides. They once numbered one hundred and sixty, but only about fifteen of them are left now. Leu-te-ra was their chief."—Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35. Also (p. 37) a translation of the name is given, as follows: "She-gum-ba, a city built across the lake."

taa'wīna, from ta or taa', sand, and wīna', upon, or taa'yaxa, on the southern slope of a small ridge called tsawa'lxabē, from tsawa'l, a species of fish, and xabē', rock, which is just north of what is known as Bald mountain, kitsī'danō. This site is about four and a half miles south-southeast of the present Bank Ranch village.

Old Camp Sites. All the camps about the shores of these lakes were primarily for the purpose of fishing, and seem not to have been occupied to any extent except during the special fishing season.

gala'iakalēyō, from gala'i, a kind of water bird, kalē', tree, and yō, under, on the western shore of Upper lake at a point about a mile north-northwest of the old village of kabe'l at Rocky point. This camp was used chiefly for fishing and hunting water birds.

pōli'tsūwi, on the western shore of Upper lake at a point about three and a half miles south-southwest of the town of Upper Lake.

mate'lnapōtī, from mate'l, spliced(?), napō', village, and tī, old, on the eastern shore of Upper lake at a point probably about three and three-quarters miles south-southeast of the town of Upper lake.

― 191 ―

Modern Camp Sites.

napō'cal, from napō', village, and ca, fish, or danō'bidaū, from danō', mountain, and bida'ū, low, on the Western shore of Upper lake at its northern extremity. The place is also called Fish-camp by both whites and Indians.

badō'nnapōtī, from badō'n, island, napō', village, and tī, old, on the southern slope of Bloody or Upper Lake island, situated at the extreme northern end of Upper lake. This present-day camp-site is also the site of a former village.See badō'nnapōtī, p. 189 and note 201.

Big Valley Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Mission, on the lands of St. Turibius missionMission St. Turibius was founded by Rev. Luciano Osuna in 1870, in which year he secured 160 acres of land on the southern shore of Clear lake. Since 1887 the Franciscan Fathers have maintained their charge of the mission continuously. At present the buildings of the mission consist of a newly erected church, a residence for the missionaries, an old church, which was used as such for many years but is now used as a school building, and barns and other farm out-buildings. on the west bank of hī'tcbīdame or Kelsey creek, or about three miles north of the town of Kelseyville. This village has an Indian name, xa'-gacō-bagil, water pond long: but it is rarely used, the village being usually called, by both whites and Indians, "The Mission." It contains eleven houses and about sixty inhabitants, mostly from the old villages of Big valley. As some of the Indians keep horses, there are also four barns, making in all fifteen buildings, exclusive of course of the church and other mission buildings which stand at some distance from the Indian village itself.

Old Village Sites.

It appears that a very unusual grouping of villages into something bordering upon political unity formerly existed in Big valley. Within this valley there lived people speaking two distinct languages, the Pomo and the Yukian Wappo. The latter lived on the extreme eastern border and were but very few in number. These formed to a certain extent a distinct group politically. The remainder of the valley, however, although occupied by people speaking the same language, seems to have been

― 192 ―

divided into two distinct political groups, the kūLa'napō from kūLa', water-lily, and napō', village, and the kabē'napō from kabē', rock, and napō, village. The former held the territory from the vicinity of Lakeport around to Adobe creek, the latter that from Adobe creek eastward to the interstock boundary between the Eastern Pomo and the Clear Lake Wappo. There appears to have been a definitely recognized grouping of the villages included within each of these areas into the above named units, which grouping was, of course, not so much for governmental purposes as for the common interests of offense and defense. There appear to have been at times differences between the kūLa'napō and the kabē'napo which were settled by fighting, while at other times the two groups joined forces in some common cause. As an instance of this latter there is a story told concerning the diverting of the waters of Kelsey creek which, according to the Indians, formerly ran northwestward from the old village of bida'mīwīna instead of, as now, northeastward, and emptied into the lake at the little projecting point where the camp site of La'xpūtsūm is located. On the map there appears a small stream running into the lake at this point and the Indians say that a depression marking the connection between the head of this stream and Kelsey creek is plainly visible, showing where Kelsey creek formerly ran to the lake by this course. The Indians say that when Kelsey and Cole creeks emptied into the lake separately there were two species of fish, hītc and tcai, of which the former ran up Kelsey creek only and the latter up Cole creek only, and from these two species of fish the creeks take their names, hī'tcbīdame and tca'ibīdame, respectively. The people living on and to the east of Cole creek were able to obtain the hītc only from or by the permission of the kabē'napō in whose territory Kelsey creek ran, and they were very anxious to have these fish run up Cole creek as well as Kelsey creek, and therefore proposed to change the channel of one of the streams so that the two would flow together. This was opposed by the kabē'napō and the matter was agitated until an open war was the result. In this the Wappo were assisted by the Southeastern Pomo, at least those of the Southeastern Pomo who were near neighbors, and the kabē'napō were assisted by the kūLa'napō. The matter was, however, not

― 193 ―

settled until there came a very high water in the creeks in the winter, at which time a few of the people from the Wappo village of dala'danō went over with digging sticks to Kelsey creek and there dug through the eastern bank at a very low point which connected by a natural depression in the floor of the valley with Cole creek, thus starting the water of Kelsey creek to flow in that direction. With this start it soon dug for itself a large channel and has since flowed into Cole creek at a point about a quarter of a mile from its mouth. The purpose of the Wappo was accomplished by this, for now both kinds of fish run up both streams. This is said to have occurred 90 years or more ago. On the other hand it is possible that the story is a mythical account of cause for an observed effect, namely, the fact that these two streams do now flow into each other near their mouth. Be this as it may, the story indicates that at times when there was a common cause in which to engage, the kūLa'napō and the kab'ē'napō did join forces, but on most occasions they seem to have kept apart more or less, maintaining distinct territorial boundaries and distinct governments; and it should also be noted that they kept apart to a certain extent after the coming of the whites to this region. Professor A. L. Kroeber has also obtained information from a Clear lake Indian now living at the Round valley reservation to the effect that there was a division of the people into two groups such as are above mentioned. Such a division and grouping of villages is, as has been said, very much out of the ordinary among the Pomo and it seems very likely that the division in this case arose originally at a time of internal trouble, as for instance difficulties arising over hunting or fishing rights, and that this division of the people of the valley into two units, more properly factions than stable political unions, continued to exist after the particular point at issue had been settled, though there is no probability that anything like a true confederation ever existed among the villages of either group.

Some informants give each of these names as that of a separate village and they were among the first Pomo village names to come into print. kūLa'napō is first mentioned by Gibbs,Schoolcraft, III, 109. who gives the "Hula-napo" as one of the "tribes" present at a council with

― 194 ―

Colonel M'Kee on the shores of Clear lake, and laterIbid., p. 421. when treating of languages, he says, "Kula-napo. The name of one of the Clear lake bands. The language is spoken by all the tribes occupying the large valley." From this name Powell, following his principles of nomenclature, made the stock name KulanapanInd. Ling. Fam., p. 87. which he applied to all the Pomo. Slocum, Bowen and CompanyOp. cit., Lake County, p. 35. say of this village, "The Hoo-la-nap-o tribe was just below the present site of Lakeport, on the place formerly owned by Dr. J. S. Downes. At one time there were two hundred and twenty warriors, and five hundred all told in the rancheria. They are now reduced to sixty. Sal-vo-di-no was their chief before the present one, Augustine." They also translate this name as "lily village." The name has been used by others with different orthographies, as: "Kura-napo, water-lily village"Mason, op. cit., p. 329. Given upon the authority of Dr. J. W. Hudson. and "Palanapo,"Purdy, Land of Sunshine, XV, 442. which is later corrected to "Talanapo"Purdy's reprinted edition of "Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers," p. 9, Los Angeles, 1902. and defined as "Pond Lily People." Powers does not mention this village particularly, but gives "Ka-bi-na-pek"Tribes of California, p. 204. (kabē'-napō) as a typical village "of the many in Big Valley." Kabenapo is also first mentioned by Gibbs,Schoolcraft, III, pp. 109, 110. by whom it is called "Habe-napo," meaning "stone house," and it is given as one of the six large villages, designated by Gibbs as "tribes" or "bands," in Big valley. M'KeeSenate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 136. mentions two of the "tribes" about Clear lake, viz: the "Ca-ba-na-po" and the "Ha-bi-na-pa," either one or both of which are probably meant for the kabē'napō. LaterIbid., p. 139. he states the numbers of these peoples as one hundred and ninety-five and eighty-four respectively. The name given by Slocum, Bowen and Company"The Ha-be-nap-o tribe were located at the mouth of Kelsey creek, on the north side. They numbered three hundred, but only about forty of them are left. Ba-cow-shum was their chief."—Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35. The name is translated, "a city of rocks." is the same as that used by Gibbs. PowersTribes of Cal., p. 204. locates

― 195 ―

the village, which he calls "Ka-bi-na-pek," on lower Kelsey creek, and Powell,Op. cit., p. 88. probably following Powers, also mentions it under this name. Mason,Aboriginal American Basketry, op. cit., p. 329. upon the authority of Dr. J. W. Hudson, uses "Kabe napo" with the translation of "Rock village." LaterIbid., p. 368. he uses also "Kabinapo." PurdyLand of Sunshine, XV, 442 seq. Also Purdy's reprinted edition, op. cit., p. 7. uses "Kabenapo" with the translation of "Rock People" GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 110. in speaking of the people of Big valley gives them collectively the name "Na'-po-bati'n, or many houses," and says: "The name `Lu-pa-yu-ma,'The name given to the camp of Colonel M'Kee's party at Clear lake was "Camp Lupiyuma."—Senate Ex. Doc., op. cit., pp. 136 seq. which, in the language of the tribe living at Coyote valley, on Putos river, signifies the same as Habe-napo, is applied by the Indians in that direction to these bands, but is not recognized by themselves." This is clearly a Moquelumnan term, as lū'pû, signifying rock, occurs frequently in Moquelumnan village names. Moreover, the Moquelumnan name of the old village at Duncan's point, near Bodega bay, is lippūla'mma, which is the same word as that used by Gibbs. TaylorCalifornia Farmer, March 30, 1860, San Francisco, Cal. says, "On the borders of Clear lake lived the Lopillamillos or Lupilomis," and BaileyRept. Comm. Ind. Aff. for 1858, p. 304. in his report upon the Indians of the Clear lake region, says, "Upon the Lupillomi ranch,The Lupillomi ranch here referred to is the old Lup-Yomi rancho, a large Mexican land grant about the shores of Clear lake. (Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 41.) The original grant appears to have been made to four persons, and the expediente called for thirty-two square leagues of land, including the whole of Clear lake and the surrounding land. A petition was filed in 1853 by the two Vallejo brothers for the confirmation of a grant of sixteen leagues, one-half of the original cession, known as the Laguna de Lup-Yomi. The petition was denied. The name Lupillomi ranch remained, however, for many years after the American occupation. near Clear lake, there are some three hundred Indians." The name "Lopillamillos" is also mentioned by Bancroft.Native Races, I, 363.

bōo'mlī, to hunt around (named from the fact that there were many deer in the mountains immediately west of this site and it

― 196 ―

was therefore a good hunting ground), in the town of Lakeport on the knoll where the Bellvenue hotel now stands.

kacī'badōn, from kacī', a water plant said to somewhat resemble bamboo, and badō'n, island, just within the southern limit of the town of Lakeport, on the western shore of Clear lake. The village was located on the eastern slope of a knoll immediately south of the Lakeport flour mill. Just off shore at this point there is a small island upon which the plant kacī' grew, thus giving to the place its name. The first trading post in the region about Clear lake was established at this village, the trader taking baskets, beads, and such other articles as the Indians made, in exchange for his goods.

katō'tnapōtī, from katō't, shucks (the thin inner shell) of the nut of the California laurel, napō', village, and tī, old, near the east bank of a small stream known as Rumsey's slough, tsīwi'cbidame, Carex creek, and at a point about three miles southwest of the present village at St. Turibius mission.

cabē'gok, on both banks of the small stream which empties into Clear lake at the old camp site of La'xpūtsūm. This name is more particularly applied to the eastern of the two sites. Col. Redick M'Kee, United States Indian Agent, who visited Big Valley August 17-21, 1851, made his camp in this immediate vicinity. According to one informant he camped at this village site, while according to another his camp was at se'dīleū just north. During the previous year a party of troops under Captain Lyons had visited this region for the purpose of taking vengeance upon the Indians for what is commonly spoken of as the Stone and Kelsey massacre. They had passed through Big valley, which was at that time practically deserted, and had come up with the Indians toward the head of Clear lake, killing a large number on what is known as Upper Lake or Bloody island, thence passing over to the Russian river valley and back to San Francisco bay. The Indians say that Col. M'Kee, in endeavoring to reestablish friendly relations with them, distributed presents of blankets, beads, axes, saws, and various other articles among them, and set aside as a reservation for their use that portion of Big valley lying between what is known as McGough slough (which lies about a quarter of a mile west of se'dīleū) on the west and Cole creek on

― 197 ―

the east, and extending indefinitely into the hills toward the south. He gave a writing to the two captains hū'lyō and perīē'tō which the Indians understood to be a deed to this land. It is known that Col. M'Kee did at this time tentatively set apart a tract of land on the southern and western shores of Clear lake for reservation purposes, but this was never ratified and nothing further was done about the establishment of the reservation at Clear lake.For a full account of Col. M'Kee's visit see Senate Ex. Doc., No. 4, 32d Cong., spec. sess., 136-142, 1853.

hma'ragīmōwīna, from hma'rak, dance-house, mō, hole, and wina', on top of, near the west bank of Kelsey creek on what is known as the Lamb ranch and at a point about a mile south-southwest of the present village at St. Turibius mission.

xa'gacōbagil, from xa, water, gacō', pond, and bagi'l, long, where the present village at St. Turibius mission is located. There seems to be some doubt as to whether this was a regularly inhabited village, but there were people living here at least during the summer and it was used as a boat landing throughout the year.

bīda'miwīna, from bīda'mi, creek, and wīna', upon or close to, on the east bank of Kelsey creek at a point about a mile and three-quarters down stream from the town of Kelseyville. According to one informant the site here called līcū'ī-kale-xōwa, black-oak tree in-front-of, which is here given as an uninhabited modern village site, is an old village site and was called bīda'mi-wīna. This however seems doubtful.

nō'napōtī, from nō, ashes, napō', village, and tī, old, in the eastern part of the town of Kelseyville. By most informants this is said to have been a very large permanent village inhabited by the Indians, but one informant says that it was a village inhabited only by mythical people, none of the present race of Indians ever having lived here. In corroboration of this it should be observed that this village is mentioned frequently in the myths of this region; but on the other hand white settlers say that there were old dance and sweat-house pits plainly visible here up to a few years ago, and it seems very probable that this is the site of one of the regular old villages of this region.

― 198 ―

Some Indians say that this was the original home of the kabē'napō, but that it had not been inhabited for many years before the arrival of the first explorers. When Messrs. Kelsey and Stone got control of the ranch in Big valley in 1847 they assembled at Kelseyville all the Indians of this vicinity. The kabē'napō lived at nō'napōtī and the kūLa'napō with others lived near the ranch house, an old adobe built at līcū'īkalexōwa on the west bank of Kelsey creek. The ranch above referred to is the Lupillomi rancho for which Captain Salvador Vallejo in 1836 applied, in the name of himself, his brother Antonio, and two others, to the Mexican government. This grant comprised thirty-two leagues of land, embracing Big, Scott's, Upper Lake, and Bachelor valleys and adjacent mountains. Whether this tract was in reality ceded to him is not known, but he took possession and placed a major-domo and ten vaqueros in charge of a herd of cattle in Big valley about the year 1840. In 1847 Messrs. Stone and Kelsey came to take possession of the cattle and the establishment, they with others having bought the Vallejos' interest in Big valley. They built an adobe house on the west bank of Kelsey creek, as above mentioned, where they resided until 1849, when they were killed by the Indians, which incident has been known as the Stone and Kelsey massacre.

Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.

xada'būtūn, from xa, water, da, ?, and būtū, knoll, at a point about a mile and three-quarters south-southeast of the town of Lakeport.

xalībe'm, on the east bank of Adobe creek at a point about two and a quarter miles northwest of the town of Kelseyville. Some years ago by a concerted action upon the part of nearly all the Indians of Big valley a small tract of land about this village site was purchased by them, the first payment only, however, being made upon it. After two years they found themselves unable to complete the payments on the land and were obliged to move.

ma'natōl, near the east bank of Adobe creek at a point about two miles west-northwest of the town of Kelseyville. According to one informant this is not the name of a village site but that of

― 199 ―

a large field. This informant, however, is a young man and may have confused this as the name of a field with kale-winī'-yō, tree large-swelled-knot under, which is the name of a locality immediately north of ma'natōl.

se'dīleū, from se or see', brush, and dīle', in the midst of, at a point about three-quarters of a mile back from the lake shore and about a mile a little south of west of the present village at St. Turibius mission.

xa'ikalōlise, from xai, wood, kalō'li, dry, and se, brush or thicket, at a point about half a mile south-southeast of the present village at St. Turibius mission. It is said that this village was inhabited for only four or five years.

sō"bīdame, from sō, clover, and bīda'me, creek, on a small wet-weather slough at a point about three-quarters of a mile a little west of south of the present village at St. Turibius mission. It appears that this site was also used to a limited extent, probably as a camping place, before the arrival of white settlers, as the Indians say that some of their number were taken from here to the missions about San Francisco bay when these were established. This undoubtedly means that the Franciscan Fathers visited Clear lake very soon after the establishment of Sonoma mission, to which, in all probability, the above mentioned Indians were induced to move.

There is an uninhabited modern village site near the west bank of Kelsey creek and at a point about a mile southeast of the present village at St. Turibius mission. This site is on the ranch belonging to Mr. Robert Gaddy and appears to have been one of those inhabited not long after the coming of white settlers to the region. It was, however, not inhabited for very long, as a severe epidemic of whooping cough which took off many of the Indians caused them to move to another location.

xa'dalam, from xa, water, and dala'm, dam, on what is known as the Clark ranch on the west bank of Kelsey creek at a point about a mile south of the present village at St. Turibius mission. As nearly as may be judged, the Indians moved here about 1870 and remained for two years or perhaps a little longer. During this time an important ceremony which was introduced from Sacramento valley was held. An exceptionally large dance-house was

― 200 ―

built, the diameter of the pit being measured by eight lengths of a certain very tall Indian lying upon the ground with his arms stretched over his head as far as possible. Shamans were brought from Grand Island on the Sacramento river and the Indians from the whole region even as far west as the coast assembled here to celebrate this ceremony and await the end of the world which was expected immediately. They are said by the whites to have numbered upwards of three or four thousand in all, and the celebrations at this place lasted nearly a year, after which part of their number moved to behe'pal near Upper lake where the ceremonies were continued.

līcū'īkalexōwa, from līcū'ī, black oak, kale', tree, and xō'wa, in front of, ?, on the west bank of Kelsey creek directly opposite the present town of Kelseyville. With the coming of Messrs. Stone and Kelsey to this vicinity in 1847 the Indians of the neighborhood were assembled at and near Kelseyville. The kūLa'napō and certain others settled at this site.

Old Camp Sites.

tsīwi'cbīdamīnapōtī, from tsīwi'c, Carex, bīda'me, creek, napō, village, and tī, old, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a point about three miles west of the present village at St. Turibius mission. The immediate lake shore in this vicinity is thickly covered with tule but at this point there is a slight elevation in the tule and it is upon this elevation that the camp site is located. This site is located between the two streams bō'-xa-bīdame, west water creek, known locally to the whites as Woolridge's slough, and tsīwi'c-bīdame, Carex creek, known locally to the whites as Rumsey's slough, which lies but a very short distance east of Woolridge's slough. This elevation in the tule was so small that at times there was not sufficient room here for those who wished to camp, in which case some camped at tsa'lal just east of tsīwi'cbīdame.

tsa'lal, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a point about two and a half miles west of the present village at St. Turibius mission and on the east bank of a small stream called locally Rumsey's slough.

― 201 ―

batsō'mkītem, from batsō'm, a species of oak, and kīte'm, said to signify a bushy top, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a point about two and a quarter miles west of the present village at St. Turibius mission.

nō'būtū, from nō, ashes, and būtū, knoll, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a point near the west bank of Adobe creek and about two miles west of the present village at St. Turibius mission.

Laxpūtsūm, from Lax, an opening or inlet, and pū'tsūm, point, on a point which projects into Clear lake from its southern shore about a mile west of the present village at St. Turibius mission. According to informants the small stream shown on the map as running near this site flows in reality in the former bed of Kelsey creek which was diverted by the Indians so as to flow into Cole creek.

batsū'mīse, from batsū'm or batsō'n, a species of oak, and se or see', brush, at a point about three-quarters of a mile west-southwest of the present village at St. Turibius mission.

tsūba'hapūtsūm, from tsūba'ha, a species of willow used in basket making, and pū'tsūm, point, on the southern shore of Clear lake at a point about half a mile west of the mouth of Kelsey creek. This camp takes its name from a grove of willows on a point projecting for a short distance into the lake. There is also near this place a grove of cottonwoods in which there are a number of blue heron nests. This grove is called makō'kale, from makō', blue heron, and kale', tree. According to one informant this is the name of a camp at this point but according to another it is simply applied to the grove of cottonwoods above mentioned which are situated a little distance out in the tule.

On the east bank of Kelsey creek at a point about a mile and a half up stream from the town of Kelseyville there is the site of an old camp, the name of which could not be recalled by the informant. This site has not been inhabited since an indefinite date, probably in the first part of the last century, as nearly as may be judged from the probable ages of certain individuals connected with the following story. This site was used as that of a fish camp by the kabē'napo, who then lived at nō'napōtī, and was located on a side hill with no water in the immediate vicinity

― 202 ―

except that which flowed in the creek itself. There was here a fish dam or weir with the usual scaffold upon which the fishermen stood with their dip nets when fishing. A certain young man had been warned by his father that when fishing here at night if he should see sparks in the water up the creek he must leave the dam immediately, as these sparks indicated the approach of a hūk, a mythical bird with supernatural powers for evil.The hūk is a mythical bird much dreaded, by some even to the present day, as it has the power of bringing immediate or future death, as well as bad luck in general. It is about the size of a turkey buzzard, is a brown or brick red in color with rather long and fine feathers, the quills of which are filled with a reddish liquid which flows from end to end if the feathers are turned up and down. According to some informants this liquid always flows up hill. Its legs are short and very heavy, both legs and feet being covered with hair. The head also is very large and covered with a fuzzy coat, while its bill is curved somewhat like that of a parrot. One of the surest signs of death is to hear one of these birds, particularly at night. Their cry is "hūk" and death is sure to follow the unfortunate hearer in as many years as the bird cries "hūk" at him, provided of course he is not immediately doctored in the proper manner. The young man, however, did not credit the warning of his father and boasted that there was nothing in or about the creek of which he was afraid. One night his father was fishing on the scaffold and the young man told him to go into the house; that he would relieve him and fish for a while. He had not fished long when a hūk came down the stream and he immediately caught it in his dip net, took it ashore and killed it with a fish club. He went home and to bed without making any disposition of the fish which he had caught or of the hūk which he had killed. In the morning he was found dead by his mother. His father immediately suspected the truth and went to the fish dam, where he found the dead bird. The fear then arose that the young man's action would also bring destruction upon the whole camp and possibly even upon the home village as well, and the father immediately went to nō'napōtī for me'nakī, a famous shaman. After discussing the matter with the dead man's relatives it was decided that me'nakī should cut the bird into halves, one of which should be cremated, the other being hidden on the summit of Clark's peak, a prominent point on the western slope of Mt. Kanaktai. Accordingly after performing an elaborate ceremony to prevent the poison of the bird injuring the people, me'nakī cut the bird into halves and with further elaborate ceremony placed one-half upon

― 203 ―

a funeral pyre prepared especially for the purpose. After the pyre had burned completely, what charred fragments of the bird's bones remained were collected, as is done in the case of the cremation of human beings. In this case the bones were placed in a fine basket and buried near the place of cremation. On the following morning they returned to the site of the cremation and found that notwithstanding the fact that some fire remained among the ashes certain spots were very moist. These presently became more moist and finally there was water standing in the little pit which had been dug before the fire was built. This water increased in volume until it finally ran over the side of the pit and became a large living spring, and all this in spite of the fact that formerly the whole hillside had been absolutely dry so far as any spring or seepage of water from it was concerned. It was thought that this spring was directly due to the poison of the hūk and the camp was immediately abandoned and has never since been occupied. The spring still flows at this spot. The other half of the hūk was taken by me'nakī to the summit of Clark's peak and hidden where it remains to the present time. Consequently Clark's peak is a place never visited except by a shaman who knows the proper songs and ritual to prevent injury to himself and people. me'nakī was able to visit this peak at will and made use of the feathers of the hūk in poisoning people, as did also a few other shamans. This poisoning was accomplished by touching the victim with the quill of one of the hūk feathers in such a manner that a little of the red liquid contained therein would come in contact with his person. This produced sure and swift death.

tsa'nmamaū, near the east bank of Kelsey creek at a point about four miles up stream from the town of Kelseyville.

kawō'axa, from kawō, toad, and xa, water or spring, at a point about a quarter of a mile due east of Highland Springs, on the headwaters of Adobe creek. Certain of the springs at this resort are hot and it seems to have been these that brought the Indians to this camp. The springs were known to the Indians to possess medicinal qualities, and those afflicted with certain ailments camped at kawō'axa, from which place they could easily go to the springs, the water of which they drank and also bathed in.

― 204 ―

xa'ikaiyaū, in a small valley at the head of Adobe creek and at a point about two and a half miles southeast of Highland Springs.

Near the head of Cole creek and at a point about a mile east of Carlsbad Springs is the site of an old camp the name of which could not be recalled by the informant. This site is near some springs known as Mackentyre springs.

Southeastern Dialect.

Boundaries.

From a point on the Pomo-Wintun interstock boundary nearly due east of the old village of cī'gōm, on the eastern shore of the main body of Clear lake, the boundary of the Southeastern dialectic area, which is here also the interstock boundary, follows the divide separating Long Valley and Bartlett creeks from Clear lake, to Cache creek at a point about four miles from its source, the southern extremity of Lower lake. This portion of the boundary runs in a northwesterly and southeasterly direction and separates this dialectic area from the territory of the Wintun which extends eastward into the Sacramento valley. From here the boundary turns in a general westerly direction and follows Cache creek up to the lake, and then on in the same direction to the summit of the range connecting Mt. Kanaktai with Mt. St. Helena. The territory to the south of this line was held by people speaking the Northern Moquelumnan dialect. At this point the boundary turns in a general northerly direction and runs northward along this range toward Mt. Kanaktai for a very short distance, coming to the southern boundary of the Clear Lake Wappo area near where it turns northward to form the eastern boundary of that area. It follows this boundary with its northerly trend through the mountains immediately to the east of the higher range connecting Mt. Kanaktai with Mt. St. Helena, passes along the eastern slope of Mt. Kanaktai and finally runs into Clear lake at a point probably about a mile east of Soda Bay. It runs on in this same direction for a short distance to a point near the northern limit of jurisdiction of the Clear Lake

― 205 ―

Wappo.See note 194. From here it takes a more easterly course, coming to the lake shore at Bald mountain, and then running on in a northeasterly direction to the point of origin on the Pomo-Wintun interstock boundary about due east of the old village of cī'gōm. The southern extremity of this portion of the boundary separates the Southeastern from the Eastern Pomo dialectic area, while the central part separates the Southeastern Pomo from the Clear Lake Wappo territory. The northern half of this portion of the boundary separates the Eastern and Southeastern dialectic areas.

This small, roughly triangular area is adjacent on the east to the Wintun, on the south to the Northern Moquelumnan, and on the west and northwest to the Eastern Pomo and the Clear Lake Wappo territory.

General Description.

The greater part of the land surface of this area is high and rugged and totally unfit for habitation. There are, however, occasional short, level stretches along the shores of the lake, and there are a few small valleys in the surrounding hills and mountains. These were sometimes used for village and camp sites particularly for hunting and food-gathering; but the chief permanent villages seem to have been located on the islands in the lake. Like the Eastern Pomo, these people lived largely by fishing and hunting water birds.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Lower Lake Rancheria, on the north bank of Cache creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile from its source and about a mile and a half northeast of the town of Lower Lake. This village consists of four houses and about nineteen inhabitants, most of whom came originally from the old village of kō'ī on Lower Lake island.

xûna'dai, from xûna, tule boat or balsa, and dai, landing, commonly called the Sulphur Bank rancheria, on the eastern shore of East lake, the eastern arm of Clear lake, and at a point about half a mile north of the Sulphur Bank quicksilver mine. This village, consisting of eleven houses and about thirty-five inhabitants, is situated on the immediate lake shore opposite the

― 206 ―

site of the former village of e'lem on Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank island. There is here a sudatory of the old type which is in present use, and a very large old dance-house in ruins, no dances having been held in it for several years and no attempt made to keep it in repair. This village site is at a point on the shore which was used in aboriginal times as a boat landing, this being a convenient place to draw the tule canoes up on shore. There was never a very extensive village at this place but it appears that it was used permanently to a certain extent, the principal village, however, being on the adjacent island. Its present occupancy as a permanent village dates back about thirty-five or possibly forty years.

Old Village Sites.

ca'kai, on the northwestern point of the peninsula which projects northward from the southern shore of Clear lake and forms the strait which separates the main body of Clear lake from East and Lower lakes to the southeast.

ke'celwai, from ke'cel, blue clay, wai, said to be an ejaculation, on the southern shore of the strait connecting the main body of Clear lake with East and Lower lakes and at a point about a quarter of a mile northeast of the last mentioned site.

tcīyō'lkitLalī, on the northeast point of the peninsula which projects from the southern shore of Clear lake and forms the strait which separates the main body of Clear lake from East and Lower lakes.

k!ale'liyō, on the western shore of East lake at a point just southwest of the island, known as Buckingham's island, upon which the site of the old village of ka'mdōt is located.

ka'mdōt, or le'makma or ka'ūgū'maThis name is also applied to the people living at e'lem. See also note 239. (Eastern Pomo dialect names), on a small island, called Buckingham's island, near the western shore of East lake and close to the peninsula which separates East lake from the main body of Clear lake. One informant says that ka'mdōt is applied also to Mt. Kanaktai.

tsiwī', on the western shore of East lake just northeast of the small body of water known as Little Borax lake. The eastern side of Mt. Kanaktai is formed by very high and steep rocky cliffs

― 207 ―

which curve in such a manner as to resemble somewhat the form of an amphitheater, the pit of which is bounded on the east by East lake and is occupied principally by Little Borax lake. These cliffs were called kno'ktaiknōyōwa, from knō, mountain, tai or ktai, said to be an old woman, kno, mountain, and yō'wa, under, and were with the immediately surrounding hills much used as hunting grounds. The reference to an old woman in this name appears to be a mythological one.

kō'i, xō'yī, cūta'ūyōmanūk (Northern Pomo name), kaūbō'-kōlai (Eastern Pomo name), or tūlī (Northern Moquelumnan and Southerly Wintun name), on the eastern slope of the small, low island called Lower Lake island at the extreme southern end of Lower lake, the southern arm of Clear lake. This was a large village and probably only a little smaller than the one on Sulphur Bank island in East lake. The first mention of the people of this village is that by Gibbs,Schoolcraft, III, 110. who calls them "Cho-tan-o-man-as," and states that they lived near the outlet of Clear lake. PowersTribes of Cal., p. 214. classes them as a people entirely distinct from the Pomo, and related to the Wintun. He gives their name as "Makh'-el-chel," and under that heading says: "This is the name by which they are known among the surrounding Indians and the Americans, but whether it originated with themselves I can not state. Their principal, and formerly only, abode was an island on the east side of Clear lake, a few miles above Lower lake. In their language hösch'-la signifies "island," which has been corrupted and applied both to the island and the tribe; and our undiscriminating countrymen pronounced it with great impartiality Hessler, Kessler, Hesley, Kelsey, and several other ways." The same name is given them by Powell,Op. cit., p. 70. who probably takes Powers as authority, and Slocum, Bowen and Company"The Shoat-ow-no-ma-nook tribe had their homes on an island near the lower end of the lake. They numbered one hundred and twenty, but only thirty are left. Their chief was called Sam Patch."—Op. cit., Lake County, p. 35. mention them under the name "Shoat-ow-no-ma-nook."

xûbē', on the eastern shore of Lower lake at a point about half a mile north of what is known as Floyd's Landing and about a mile and a half northwest of the outlet of the lake.

― 208 ―

kūū'lbidai, on the eastern shore of Lower lake in what is known as Burns' valley and at a point about two miles north-northwest of the outlet of the lake. The residence of Mr. T. G. Turner now stands on this site.

kûla'i, on the eastern shore of Lower lake in what is known as Burns' valley and at a point about two and a half miles north-northwest of the outlet of the lake. This site is separated from kūū'lbidai by a small creek.

k!a'ūcel, on the eastern shore of Lower lake at a point about due west of Big Borax lake.

kīye'ūtsīt, on the southern shore of East lake at a point about two and a half miles west of Sulphur Bank.

xûna'dai, from xûna, tule boat or balsa, and dai, landing, on the eastern shore of East lake at a point about half a mile north of Sulphur Bank and directly opposite the old village of e'lem on Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank island. As the name of this village indicates it was a place used as a boat landing. Although it was inhabited permanently it appears that there was never a very large population here at any one time, the chief village being at e'lem on the island opposite. The present Sulphur Bank rancheria occupies this old site.

e'lem, on the southern slope of Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank island at the eastern end of East lake. This is a low island, covering about thirty-five acres, with its northern slope well wooded and its southern entirely open. This village was formerly the largest in the Southeastern dialectic area and was only abandoned about thirty-five or forty years ago, when its inhabitants removed to the adjacent mainland, where they now live. The Southerly Wintun called the neighborhood of Sulphur Bank mō'Labe. The people of the village of e'lem were called ka'-mīna by the Northern Pomo and xa'-wīna by the Eastern Pomo, both of which names signify water on top of or near to. Another name given to these people by the Eastern Pomo was ka'ūgūma,Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake County, p. 36, say: "The Cow-goo-mah tribe had their rancheria at the Sulphur Bank. They numbered one hundred and thirty, but are now reduced to forty. No-tow was their chief," and continuing, "The Le-mah-mah lived on an island just west of the Sulphur Bank. There were at one time one hundred and forty of them, but only about twenty remain. Beu-beu was their chief."

― 209 ―

which was also applied to the people of ka'mdōt on Buckingham's island.

ktsū'kawai, or patōlkaleyō (Eastern Pomo dialect name), from patō'l, oak ball, kale', tree, and yō, under, on the northern shore of East lake and at a point about a mile northeast of the southern extremity of the point which forms the northern shore of the strait connecting the main body of Clear lake with East and Lower lakes. This site is on the ranch belonging to Mr. I. Alter.

Old Camp Sites.

k!ōlōlaxa, from k!ōlō, mortar stone, la, ?, and xa, water, on the southern shore of the strait connecting the main body of Clear lake with East and Lower lakes at a point a very short distance west of the northeastern projection of the peninsula which separates the main body of Clear lake from East and Lower lakes. This site was used as a fish camp.

kaa'lkfai, from kaa'l, tule, and fai or kfai, a flat open place, on the western shore of Lower lake at a point probably about three miles southeast of Little Borax lake. This village derives its name from the fact that there grew in this vicinity large quantities of the particular species of tule used in making tule boats or balsas and it was customary for boat makers to come here and camp during the seasons of the year when the tule was in proper condition for boat making.

ts!a'bal, on the southern shore of Lower lake at a point probably about two and a half miles west-northwest of the old village of kō'ī on Lower Lake island. This camp was used as an acorn and food gathering camp.

yō, at the southeastern extremity of Lower lake and on a narrow neck of land running into the lake from a point just west of its outlet.

mū'cōkol, on a very small peninsula which is almost entirely cut off from the mainland on the northern shore of East lake and about due north of Rattlesnake or Sulphur Bank island.

― 210 ―

Southern Dialect.

Boundaries.

Beginning at the junction of the north fork with the main stream of Gualala river the northern boundary of the Southern Pomo dialectic area runs in a general easterly direction up the ridge separating the drainage of the north fork of Gualala river from that of Rock Pile creek, past the headwaters of the latter and onto the divide between the headwaters of Navarro river and of Dry creek. At a point a short distance south of McDonald it takes a general southeasterly course, following the ridge to the west of Russian river, and finally turns in an easterly direction and crosses the river at a point about two and a half miles north of the town of Cloverdale and half a mile south of the line between Mendocino and Sonoma counties.See note 160. Continuing in this same direction it passes through the foot-hills to the summit of the range separating the drainage of Russian river from that of Clear lake; thence, turning in a general southeasterly direction, it follows this range to Cobb mountain.It has been impossible to determine definitely a portion of the boundary in the vicinity of Cobb mountain, but that here given is probably correct. The portion of the boundary from Gualala river to the divide between the drainage of Russian river and that of Clear lake separates the Southern from the Central Pomo dialectic area, and the portion running along this range to Cobb mountain separates it from the Eastern Pomo area. From Cobb mountain the boundary takes a south-westerly course and, recrossing Russian river, runs to the divide separating the Russian river and Dry creek drainages, which it meets at a point about three miles northwest of the town of Geyserville. Here it turns in a general southeasterly direction and runs along this divide to a point just west of Lyttons, where it takes a more easterly course along the continuation of this divide, which runs nearly due east for a short distance. Then the boundary runs southeast again to the southern part of the great bend

― 211 ―

in Russian river about due east of Healdsburg.This portion of the western Pomo-Wappo interstock boundary as here given is as it was at the time of the arrival of the first settlers in this section. Formerly, however, the Southern Pomo owned that portion of the Russian river valley known as Alexander valley and extending from the confluence of Elk creek northward about to the small stream called by the Wappo pō'pōetc, which flows into Russian river just north of the old village of kolo'kō, as also the territory extending some distance into the mountains east of this valley. They had several villages in this area, the chief of which seem to have been kō'tīcōmōta and cī'mēla. For details concerning the war between the Pomo and Wappo, which resulted in the Wappo taking possession of this portion of this territory, see footnote relating to the boundaries of the main Wappo area. It here crosses the river and, keeping its southeasterly course, runs to a point between the headwaters of Sonoma and Santa Rosa creeks. From Cobb mountain to this point the boundary separates the Southern Pomo and the Yukian Wappo areas. It here turns in a general westerly direction and passes along the water-shed separating the Russian river and San Pablo bay drainagesSee note 107. to the headwaters of Salmon creek, down which it runs for a short distance. This portion of the boundary of this dialectic area is also the interstock boundary between the Pomo and the Moquelumnan territories. From this indefinitely located point on Salmon creek the boundary runs northward through the redwood belt and crosses Russian river, presumably, at a point a short distance east of the confluence of Austin creek with it. It runs, presumably, to the eastern head of Austin creek.Along almost the entire length of the coast between the mouths of Gualala river and Salmon creek, near Bodega bay, the redwood forest begins almost at the shore-line—nowhere does the open land extend for more than a mile back from the cliffs—and continues as a solid belt of timber with but few open areas for many miles inland. This belt of timber was not inhabited, except in these small open areas, by the people of either the Southwestern or the Southern dialect, and portions of it seem to have been virtually unclaimed by either people. This is particularly the case in the southern part of the area and in part, at least, accounts for the fact that it was impossible to determine the exact boundary from Salmon creek to the head of Austin creek. As an evidence that a great part of this forested area was but little known to the Indians it may be noted that some of the Indians of the Southwestern dialectic area claim that the site of the present town of Guerneville was unknown to them until after the coming of the lumber mills to the region. It was then named mōko'cpēūlū, from mōko'c, stump, and pē'ūlū, a corruption of the Spanish pueblo, on account of the many huge redwood stumps left after the felling of the trees for milling purposes. The people of the Southern dialectic area seem to have known the site, at least using it as a camp if not a village. Their name for this site, cīyō'le, signifying shady place, seems to have been derived from the denseness of the forest. From this point it takes a westerly course, passing just north of the western head of Austin

― 212 ―

creek, crossing Hopper creek, and running to a point just west of the old village of matī'wī, where it turns in a northwesterly direction, crosses the middle fork of Gualala river, and passes to the head of Fuller creek. Here it turns in a southwesterly direction, recrosses the middle fork of Gualala river, passes across the divide between the middle fork and the main branch of this river, and comes to the latter at a point about a mile up stream from the confluence of the two. It then passes down Gualala river to the confluence of the north fork with it. The Southwestern dialectic area lies west of this entire western boundary from Salmon creek to the north fork of Gualala river.

This very irregularly shaped area of the Southern dialectic group is adjoined on the north by the territory of the Central Pomo; on the east by those of the Eastern Pomo, and the Yukian Wappo; on the south by those of the Southern and Western Moquelumnan dialectic groups; and on the west by that of the Southwestern Pomo.

General Description.

The Southern dialectic area is divided by the redwood belt into two parts, one in Russian river valley, the other on Gualala river. The former embraces the greater part of the valley of Russian river from a point about two and a half miles north of the town of CloverdaleSee note 160. down to a rather indefinitely located point within the redwood belt several miles from the mouth of the river.See note 244. From the northern boundary down to about three miles north of the town of Geyserville the valley is from a quarter of a mile to a mile in width, and was owned by the Southern Pomo, but from about three miles north of Geyserville down to the great bend of the river east of Healdsburg it was occupied by people speaking the Yukian Wappo dialect. From Healdsburg down to the southern line of the Southern dialectic area, thus including the drainages of Markwest and Santa Rosa creeks, there extends a broad fertile valley known as Santa Rosa valley. There is also a narrow but very fertile valley extending the greater length of Dry creek. The part of this area on Gualala river was

― 213 ―

confined to the eastern bank of the main branch of the river along its lower course and to the headwaters of the middle fork. In the former area there is little real valley, the river itself and affluent streams flowing almost entirely in deep canyons and the adjacent mountains being heavily forested. In the portion of this division of the area which lies on the headwaters of the middle fork there is even less true valley land, but there is much more open country in the mountains.

This dialectic group, inhabiting areas almost entirely within the valley region, had the characteristic valley foods: acorns, grass and other seeds, and bulbs and tubers; but game and fish were also plentiful.

Russian River Division.Early writers recognized the linguistic affinities of the inhabitants of the lower Russian river valley, and classed them all under the general name "Kainomero," which is at present recognized by the few Indians who survive in that region, although its origin seems somewhat uncertain. The name itself has been variously spelled and the limits of the territory of the people to which it is applied variously defined. Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 102), in speaking of the Indians seen near Healdsburg, says, "The tribe to which they belong, and which has its headquarters at Fitch's ranch, is called `Kai-na-meah,' or, as the Spaniards pronounce it, `Kai-na-me-ro' . . . . I was informed that this dialect extends as far back as Santa Rosa, down Russian river about three leagues to Cooper's ranch, and thence across to the coast at Fort Ross, and for twenty-five miles above." Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 174) gives the limits of their territory much more correctly: "In Russian River Valley, from Cloverdale down to the redwood belt and south to Santa Rosa Creek, and also in Dry Creek Valley, live the remnants of a tribe whom the Spaniards called the Gal-li-no-me'-ro nation. The Gallinome'ro proper occupy Dry Creek and Russian River, below Healdsburg, within the limits above named; while above Healdsburg, principally between Geyserville and Cloverdale, are the Mi-sal'-la Ma-gūn', or Mu-sal-la-kūn', and the Kai-me'." Substantially the same information was obtained from Indians now living about Healdsburg and Cloverdale. They say that the name kainōmē'rō was given by the Spaniards of San Rafael mission to the Indians of Healdsburg and Santa Rosa upon the occasion of their being brought into the mission in the early part of the last century. They have no knowledge of the significance of the name, and can not give any name used by themselves prior to their taking this one. Applied first to the Indians from the immediate vicinity of Healdsburg and Santa Rosa, this name has now a broader use, being made to include the remainder of the people speaking this dialect, and formerly living about Cloverdale and on the upper course of Dry creek. Concerning the origin of the name Gallinomero Powers says that he was unable to ascertain the original name of the people for themselves, and concludes that the one in question came from Gallina, the name given by the early Spaniards to one of their "great chiefs." Concerning Mi-sal'-la Ma-gūn', he says (p. 183), "A Gallinomero told me the name was a corruption of mi-sal'-la-a'-ko which denotes `long snake.' " (The Northern Pomo name of the striped water-snake is mīsa'kale, or mīsa'kalak, while msa'kale is the form found in the Central dialect.) "Another form of the name is Mu-sal-la-kūn'. . . . . They and the Kai-me' occupy both banks of Russian river from Cloverdale down to the territory of the Rincons (Wappos) about Geyserville." The name is perpetuated in "Rancho de Musalacon," an old Mexican land grant extending, according to Bowers' Map of Sonoma County (1882), along Russian river from about a mile north of Cloverdale to about six miles south of that place. This name, rendered "Masalla Magoons," is given by Bancroft (Native Races, I, 449), and Powell (op. cit., p. 88) gives both "Misa'lamagūn" and "Musakakūn." Kainomero is also differently spelled by other writers: Taylor (Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860) uses Canimares, Thompson (Central Sonoma, p. 5, San Francisco, 1884, and History of Sonoma County, p. 70) calls them "Cainemeros," and Captain H. L. Ford in the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1856 (p. 257) speaks of them as the "Kyanamara," and again in the Report on the Mendocino War (op. cit., p. 15) as "Calle-Namares." The "Gallinomero" of Powers seems to have been quite commonly used by later writers, as Powell (op. cit., p. 88) and Mason (op. cit., p. 368). In "Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers" (Land of Sunshine, XV, 442) "Gallynomeros" is used, but Mr. Purdy in his reprinted edition of 1902 corrects the spelling to "Gallinomeros." Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 363, 449) uses "Gallinomeros, Kanimares, and Kainamares."

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

bati'klētcawī or batiñklētca'wī, from batī', alder, Alnus rhombifolia, kale', tree, and tca'wī, house, or tōtōlagotca (Western Moquelumnan dialect name), from to'tōla, elderberry, and go'tca,

― 214 ―

house, in the southern part of the town of Sebastopol. There is at present but a single house with about seven inhabitants here, but this was once a populous village. This house is located on the site of the old village which also bore the name bati'klētcawī. At a point about a mile east of the town of Sebastopol there is another family of about ten individuals, and there are several other places within the limits of this dialectic area where Indians may be found at times, as on the ranches near the towns of Windsor, Healdsburg and Cloverdale; but the sites at Sebastopol were the only ones found which are inhabited regularly and permanently. The total number of Indians, excluding those at the town of Sebastopol, regularly residing within this dialectic area, is not greater than twenty-five.

Old Village Sites.

cīyō'le, from cīyō', shadow or shade, and le or lī, place, at the town of Guerneville. The informant who mentioned this site gave it as that of a village, but from the nature of the country and the denseness of the redwood forests which extended for some distance on all sides it seems doubtful whether it was actually

― 215 ―

inhabited as a village, though it is quite probable that it was used as a camping place. Informants of the Southwestern dialect said that the vicinity of Guerneville was entirely uninhabited in aboriginal times, and they knew as its Indian name only mōko'cpēūlū, from mōko'c, stump, and pē'ūlū, a corruption of the Spanish pueblo. This name was given to that vicinity on account of the many large stumps left after logging for the lumber mills, which were established there at a comparatively early date after the American occupation.

bū'dūtcīlan, on the north bank of Russian river at a point probably about five and a half miles up stream from Guerneville. This village was located on the ranch owned by Mr. Thomas Hill and was but a short distance down stream from the confluence of Markwest creek with Russian river.

dē'lema, on what is known as the Porter ranch, at a point about three-quarters of a mile west of the west bank of Russian river and at a point about two miles north of the confluence of Markwest creek with it.

cīōhūtmō'kōnī. This site was rather indefinitely located by the informant but was probably on the ranch owned by Messrs. White and Wilson at a point about a mile and a half east of Russian river and about a mile and a quarter north of Markwest creek.

ūpawa'ni, on what is known as the Miller ranch at a point about a mile east of Russian river and two and three-quarters miles southwest of the town of Windsor.

hatcilan, on the ranch formerly known as the Lewis ranch and lying just east of Russian river at a point about two and half miles west-southwest of the town of Windsor.

kala'tken, on the ranch formerly owned by Mr. J. G. Dow, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about four and a quarter miles south of Healdsburg.

behekaūna, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about four miles down stream from the town of Healdsburg.

tsī'wīda, near the east bank of Russian river at a point about two and a half miles a little south of west of the town of Windsor.

bacaklenō'nan, from ba'ca or bē'ce, buckeye, kale', tree, and nōnan, ?, on the ranch of Mr. J. W. Calhoun near the east bank

― 216 ―

of Russian river at a point about two and a half miles a little north of west of the town of Windsor.

cat·īnen, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about three and a quarter miles south of the town of Healdsburg.

hee'man, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about two and three-quarters miles south of the town of Healdsburg.

ka'wīkawī, near the east bank of Russian river at a point about two and three-quarters miles a little east of south of the town of Healdsburg.

bīdūtsa'kalēyō, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about a quarter of a mile down stream from the confluence of Dry creek with it.

djō'pten, on what is known as the Brumfield ranch at a point on the east bank of Russian river almost opposite the confluence of Dry creek. This may be the same village referred to by another informant as būcka'wī.

maka'smō, near the residence of Mr. J. D. Grant at a point on the east bank of Russian river about a mile and a half south of Healdsburg.

amatī'ō, from a'ma, ground, ha'ta, red, and iyō', below, near the north bank of a small stream called Mill creek which flows into Dry creek nearly at its confluence with Russian river. This site was located about half a mile from the west bank of Dry creek. ka'kīya is the name of another site in this immediate vicinity, probably a very short distance up Mill creek, which was so indefinitely located by informants that it is impossible to give it a place on the map.

ū'pawanī, on what is known as the Thompson ranch about a quarter of a mile west of Dry creek and about the same distance north of Mill creek above mentioned.

ka'bekadōganī, on what is known as the Hopper ranch just west of the bridge across Dry creek on the road leading from Healdsburg down the west bank of Russian river. This may be the same village referred to by another informant as dīnasīūnan.

amalpūwa'lī, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about a mile and a quarter down stream from Healdsburg. This site is located about a mile down stream from the Dry creek bridge and on the east bank of the creek.

― 217 ―

helwamē'can, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about three-quarters of a mile down stream from Healdsburg.

ka'tōwī, from ka'tōn, lake or pond, and wī, place, near the north shore of a lake covering several acres which is situated about a mile and a half southeast of Healdsburg. This lake is on the low land of the river bottom proper and just at the joining of the river bottom with the slightly more elevated table land of the valley. In aboriginal times the lake itself was surrounded by a dense growth of shrubs and briars and was a place viewed with some awe by the Indians. There is a story told of a super-natural log which formerly floated about in this lake. In appearance it was like an ordinary log five or six feet in length and eight or ten inches, possibly a foot, in diameter. It floated about the lake as an ordinary log might, but when people, particularly children, approached the lake the log would be seen to float toward them and come to the shore, where it would remain until they either stepped upon it or moved away. If they did the former the log moved rapidly out to the middle of the lake and there floated about for a long time. So far as informants could remember the log did not roll or in any way seem to try to throw off its cargo and no one was ever known to have been killed or even injured by such a ride. Nevertheless no one except the most daring ever ventured to step upon the log and it seems to have been particularly forbidden to children by their parents to undertake such a risk. Another strange thing in connection with this lake is the fact, which is attested by some of the oldest settlers of the region, that every evening there was to be heard coming from the lake a deep and very loud sound resembling somewhat that of a locomotive engine blowing off steam or the loud bellowing of a bull. This was said to be the sound made by the old frog-woman who lived in and controlled this lake and all things surrounding it. She is not represented as at all inclined to viciousness or as having injured Indians, nor was there formerly thought to be any direct connection between her and the miraculously moving log above mentioned. However, not many years after the settlement of this section by the Mexican rancheros there came a very wet season which raised the river so high that it flowed a stream into and out of this lake, taking with it the miraculous

― 218 ―

log; and never since has the sound of the old frog-woman been heard in the evening. It is now believed by the Indians therefore that there was some connection between the two, of which they were formerly unaware. At the present time this lake is nothing but a mere pond, particularly in the dry season, as Mr. William Fitch, the original grantee of the rancho upon which it is situated, drained it and the adjacent land a short time after the freshet above mentioned.

kolo'ko, at a point about two miles east-southeast of Healdsburg.

kawa'mīō, from kawa'n, pine, ama, ground, and yō, under, at a point about a mile and a quarter east-southeast of Healdsburg.

yōci'kletōwanī, from yōci', white oak, kale', tree, and tōwa'nī, stand up, at the south end of the wagon bridge across Russian river at Healdsburg. Another informant located this site on the west bank of the river at a point almost opposite the location here given.

ba'ka'tsīō, just south of the railroad depot at Healdsburg.

ka'le, from aka, water, and le or lī, place. The plaza in Healdsburg now occupies the site of this old village. Immediately south of this site there was formerly a small lake which gave the village its name.

cū'takōwī, on the north bank of Russian river in the southeastern part of the town of Healdsburg.

watakka'wi, from wa'tak, frog, a'ka, water or pond, and wī, place, at a point about three-quarters of a mile east of the town of Healdsburg. This site is at the foot of Fitch mountainThe Southern Pomo name of Fitch mountain was given by one informant as ts!ū'nno. and is now covered by the Healdsburg cemetery.

wotokka'tōn, from wo'to, dirty or ashes, ka'tōn, lake, at a point about a mile northeast of the last named site, and on the opposite side of Russian river. This village was located on what is known as the Luce ranch and the captain or leader of the people at this village was known by the Spanish name of Santiago. He was also known by the name of mantē'ka or sō'tō, and it is from this latter name that Sotoyome is derived, the latter part of the name signifying "the home of." This name, Sotoyome,

― 219 ―

has come quite commonly into use in this vicinity from the fact that the old Mexican land grant of Mr. William Fitch was called the Sotoyome rancho.According to Bowers' "Map of Sonoma County," 1882, the Sotoyome Rancho comprised forty-eight thousand, eight hundred and thirty-six acres of land, including Fitch mountain and the present site of Healdsburg, as well as Alexander valley to the east. In connection with the Indians this name was used by Engelhardt,Op. cit., p. 451. who gives "Sotoyomi" in his list of the names of the various peoples who were among the converts at Sonoma mission, and ThompsonSonoma County, p. 88. says that Fitch mountain was called by the Indians "Sotoyome," by which name it is known to a limited extent among the whites at present.

mūkakōtca'Lī, from mūka't, ant, and tca'Lī, village, at the northeastern foot of Fitch mountain and at a point about a mile and a quarter northeast of Healdsburg. This village seems to have been one of the places at which at least some of the fighting between the Wappo and the Southern Pomo in the war which finally gave the Wappo possession of Alexander valley took place. The chief fighting, however, was in Alexander valley proper in and about the village of cī"mēla.

baca'klekaū, from baca', buckeye, kale', tree, and īkaū, bursted or broken, at the point about a mile north of Healdsburg where the roads leading to Lyttons and to Dry creek diverge.

lū'lī, on what is known as the Miller ranch in Dry creek valley at a point about a mile and a half northwest of Healdsburg. This site is located on the east bank of the creek.

watakkō'wī, back near the foot-hills at the edge of Dry creek valley and at a point about a mile and three-quarters north-northeast of Healdsburg. There seems to be some doubt as to whether this place was ever actually inhabited. One or two informants know the name as that of a locality but not as that of a village site, but others speak of it as a village.

amaskatcī'lan, near the foot-hills at the eastern edge of Dry creek valley and at a point about two miles north-northeast of Healdsburg.

kabē'tōn, from kabē', rock, and tōn, under (?), near the east bank of Dry creek at a point about two and a half miles north-northeast of Healdsburg.

― 220 ―

catca'lī, near the east bank of Dry creek at a point about three and a quarter miles up stream from the town of Healdsburg. The above location is probably the correct one, although one informant placed this site at a point about half a mile south of the old village of watakkō'wī.

takō'kalewī. This site was indefinitely located by one informant as at or near Lyttons Springs in the low hills of the divide between Russian river and Dry creek at a point about a mile west of Lyttons.

cawa'kō, or walnū'tse (Yukian Wappo name), from wal, warriors, and nū'tse, small, near the west bank of Dry creek at the confluence of Piña creek with it. The name given to this village by the Wappo is said to arise from the contempt in which they held the Pomo, they themselves being conceded to be more war-like than the Pomo.

kawiñkwitī'man, near the east bank of Dry creek at a point about a quarter of a mile up stream from the confluence of Piña creek with it.

takō'tōn, on the east bank of Dry creek just up stream from the confluence of Warm Springs creek with it.

kahō'wanī, from ka or aka, water, hō, hot or fire, and wa'nī, ?, at Skaggs Springs, on the east bank of Hot Springs creek, an affluent of Warm Springs creek. Mr. Mulgrew, the proprietor of Skaggs Springs, has found on this site a number of mortars, pestles, and other large stone implements as well as many arrow-heads and smaller implements.

kabē'ptewī, from kabē', rock, pte or bate', big, and wī, place, near the southwest bank of Rancheria creek, one of the extreme headwaters of Warm Springs creek, and at a point probably about a mile from the confluence of Rancheria creek with Warm Springs creek proper. This site was very indefinitely located by the informant.

katsa'nōsma, from katsa', grass, nō, ashes or dust, and sma, sleep, on the ridge separating the headwaters of Warm Springs creek from those of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point about two miles north-northwest of Leppo's dairy, which is at the summit of this ridge and on the road leading from the Russian river valley to Stewart's point on the coast.

― 221 ―

dō'wīkatōn, from dō'wī, coyote, ka, spring or water, and tōn, under (?), on the ridge separating the headwaters of Warm Springs creek from those of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point about a mile and a quarter northwest of Leppo's dairy above mentioned.

kūla'tīō, from kūla', probably a kind of plant, tī, ?, and yō, under, on the summit of the ridge separating the headwaters of Warm Springs creek from those of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point about three-quarters of a mile northwest of Leppo's dairy above mentioned.

ama'kō, on the east bank of Russian river east of the winery of the Italian-Swiss colony at Asti. This site is on what is known as the Black ranch or the old Landsbury ranch.

mō'tītca'tōn, a short distance west of Russian river and at a point about a mile and three-quarters south-southeast of Cloverdale. According to one informant this village was a very small one.

kala'ñkō, on the west bank of Russian river at a point about a mile southeast of the town of Cloverdale. This site lies between the track of the California Northwestern railway and the river bank on the Caldwell ranch.

a'ka'mōtcōlōwanī, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about half a mile southeast of the town of Cloverdale.

maka'hmō, at the mouth of Sulphur creek just northeast of Cloverdale. It appears that this village occupied both banks of the stream and the name maka'hmō was universally applied to it not only by the people of the immediate vicinity but also by the people of the neighboring dialectic areas. They recognized this as the chief village in the northern part of the Southern dialectic area, and applied the name maka'hmō not only to the village itself but more broadly to all of the immediate vicinity. According to one informant, a former resident of this village, the portion of the village lying south of Sulphur creek had a separate name, ga'catīhmō, while the portion lying north of the creek was called gī'cīpte'tōn.

gatcītī'yō, near the west bank of Russian river at a point about half a mile south of Preston.

The following village sites are located in the broad valley,

― 222 ―

known as Santa Rosa valley, lying south of Russian river and along Markwest and Santa Rosa creeks and about the Laguna de Santa Rosa.

tcē'tcēwani, at the northern extremity of the Laguna de Santa Rosa and just west of the point where its waters flow into Markwest creek.

tsōlīka'wī, at "old Windsor," about half a mile east of the present railroad town of Windsor.

tō'hmakaū, on the north bank of the main stream of Markwest creek at the point where the wagon bridge on the road from Fulton to Windsor crosses it.

būtswa'lī, on the west bank of the Laguna de Santa Rosa at a point about a mile from its northern extremity.

cūta'wanī, at a point about two miles northwest of Santa Rosa.

hūkabet·a'wī, on the south bank of the Santa Rosa creekAccording to Thompson (Sonoma County, p. 70) the Indian name of Santa Rosa creek was Chocoalomi. at a point a short distance from the depot of the California Northwestern railway in Santa Rosa.In speaking of the Indians in Santa Rosa valley at the time of its occupation by the first permanent white settler, Siñora Carillo, who arrived there in 1838, R. A. Thompson (Central Sonoma, pp. 4-5) says: "The principal rancheria was on the Smith farm, just below the bridge, at the crossing of Santa Rosa creek, on the road leading to Sebastopol. Upon this site a Mission was commenced, probably by Father Amoroso. The Indians rose up and destroyed the incipient Mission buildings about the same time that the Mission of Sonoma was devastated." Theodore H. Hittell (History of California, I, 499) upon the authority of Duflot de Mofras (II, 6) says concerning this mission: "With San Francisco Solano or Sonoma in 1828 ended the foundation of the twenty-one missions in Alta California. There appears to have been a twenty-second talked of, and an attempt was made to found one at Santa Rosa in 1827, but the project was abortive."

kabetcī'ūwa, in the eastern edge of the town of Santa Rosa and at a point about a mile from the old village of hūkabet·a'wī.

wī'lōk, at a point about three miles northeast of Santa Rosa. The "Huiluc" mentioned by EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 451. as among the Indians at Sonoma mission may have been either from this village or from wi'līkōs on Sonoma creek a few miles to the southeast.

ka'pten, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa at a point about two miles from its northern extremity.

caka'kmō, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa at a point about three miles from its northern extremity.

― 223 ―

tcīLē'tōn, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa at a point about three and a half miles from its northern extremity.

kacī'ntūī, on the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa at a point about two and a half miles northwest of the town of Sebastopol. This site is located at what is known as Allen's hop yard.

masīkawa'nī, near the western shore of the Laguna de Santa Rosa at a point about a mile and a half west-northwest of the town of Sebastopol. This site is located on the Sebring ranch.

bati'klētcawī, or batiñklētcawī, from bati, alder, Alnus rhombifolia, kale, tree, and tca'wi, house, or to tōlagotca (Western Moquelumnan dialect name), from to'tōla, elderberry, and go'tca, house, just southwest of the railroad depot in Sebastopol. The site now occupied by the few Indians who live permanently in this immediate vicinity is also called by this same name and is the only site regularly and permanently inhabited by the Indians in the southern part of this dialectic area.

akapō'lōpōlōwani, at a point about a mile and a half southeast of the town of Sebastopol and on the road leading from Sebastopol to Petaluma.

bū'takatcatōkani, at a point on the road leading from Sebastopol to Petaluma about two and a half miles southeast of Sebastopol.

bō'hōsōle, at a point on the road leading from Sebastopol to Petaluma probably about three miles southeast of Sebastopol.

In addition to these old village sites, all of which are situated within the limits of the territory which was in possession of the people speaking the Southern dialect at the time of the arrival of the first settlers in this region, there are several others which now lie within that portion of the territory of the Yukian Wappo which embraces Alexander valley to the northeast of Healdsburg. These sites are, kō'tīcōmōta or tcelhe'lle, cī"mēla or ōssōkō'wi, pīpōhō'lma or djelheldjīseka'nī, malalatca'Lī, aca'ben, gaiye'tcin, and kolo'kō, the information concerning which is given in connection with that regarding the old village sites in the Main Wappo area.

― 224 ―

Old Camp Sites.

Owing to the early settlement of the region under consideration and particularly that part of it lying along the lower course of Russian river from Healdsburg southward, and to the fact that the Indians who formerly inhabited it were at an early date removed to the missions about San Francisco bay, little information can now be obtained concerning village sites other than those which were the most important, and practically no information can be had concerning camp sites which were, of course, always of minor importance. It is quite possible that some of the sites lying in and about Healdsburg and immediately southward on both banks of Russian river which are here given as village sites are in reality camp sites, the confusion having arisen from the length of time since the country was actually inhabited in anything like its aboriginal state and the small number of informants now to be found. The following are the only camp sites mentioned by the Indians.

ītcatca'iLi, immediately south of the railway station at Asti.

kawatca'nnō, at Leppo's dairy on the summit of the ridge separating the headwaters of Warm Springs creek, an affluent of Dry creek, from those of the middle fork of Gualala river. This site is located at the point on the summit of this ridge where the road from the Russian river valley to Stewart's point on the coast passes over it.

Gualala River Division.Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 186) uses "Gualala" as the name of the people living "on the creek called by their name, which empties into the Pacific at the northwest corner of Sonoma County," and it has been used by Powell (op. cit., p. 88), Bancroft (Native Races, I, 362, 449), and Mason (op. cit., p. 368) with the same signification. At present a town as well as the river bears the name which is usually spelled as above given. Other orthographies are, however, used, as "Wallhalla" given on Bowers' "Map of Sonoma County" as the name of the river (residents of the region frequently pronounce the name walhala or walhaler), and "Valhalla" which is used by Thompson (Sonoma County, p. 7) upon the assumption that it came originally from the old Norse Valhalla. There is, however, nothing which directly shows this and it seems much more probable that it came from the Pomo wala'lī, or wa'lalī, which in the Southern and Southwestern dialects is the name given to certain parts of Russian river, and is a generic term signifying the meeting place of the waters of any in-flowing stream with those of the stream into which it flows or with the ocean. The present spelling, Gualala, is probably influenced by the Spanish.

Old Village Sites.

kūbahmō'ī, near the south bank of Rock Pile creek at its confluence with Gualala river.

― 225 ―

kabētē'yō, near the east bank of Gualala river at a point about a mile and a quarter up stream from the confluence of Rock Pile creek with it.

kawantē' līmanī, from kawa'n, a species of pine, tē'lī, flat head (?), and ma'nī, ?, indefinitely located near the head of Buckeye creek, an affluent of Gualala river.

kōba'te, from kō, ball, and ba'te, big or many (?), on what is known as Biddle ridge north of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point probably about two miles northeast of the confluence of that stream with the main branch of Gualala river.

ca'mlī, in the mountains immediately north of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point probably about three miles a little north of east of the confluence of that stream with the main branch of Gualala river.

ma'kawica, from ma'ka, salmon, and wīca', ridge, in the mountains immediately north of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point probably about a mile and a half a little north of east of the old village of kōba'te. This site is about midway between Buckeye creek and the middle fork of Gualala river.

ma'hmō, on what is known as the "old" John Fiśk place at a point about half a mile north of the middle fork of Gualala river and due north of the present village of pō'tōl.

matī'wī, on the summit of the ridge separating the middle fork of Gualala river from the small stream known as Haupt creek (unnamed on the accompanying map) to the south. This site is almost due north of the present village of pō'tōl and is very near the boundary between the Southern and the Southwestern dialectic area.

kawamtca'elī, from kawa'm, a species of pine, tca, house, and e'lī or lī, place, immediately west of the stopping-place known as Noble's which is on the south bank of the middle fork of Gualala river and just down stream from the point at which Hopper creek, Wolf creek, and the north fork of the middle fork come together to form the middle fork of Gualala river. This site is in the grain field on the flat immediately west of Noble's barn.

bī'mūkatōn, from bī'mū, a species of shrub, ka, water or spring, and tōn, under, in the mountains immediately north of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point about half a mile north of Noble's.

― 226 ―

hī'walhmū, from hī'wal, related to wala'lī, the point at which two streams flow together, and hmū, ?, at the point where Hopper creek, Wolf creek, and the north fork of the middle fork of Gualala river flow together to form the middle fork. The exact location of this site was not given by informants but it is probable that it was between Hopper and Wolf creeks.

dūwīdī'tem, from dū'wī, coyote, and dī'tem, said to signify to go on top of, near the south bank of Wolf creek at a point about a mile and a quarter up stream from its confluence with the middle fork of Gualala river.

bū'lakōwī, from bū, Indian potatoes, la, ?, kō, long, and wī, place, in the mountains between Wolf creek and the north fork of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point probably about two miles northeast of the confluence of the two.

Old Camp Sites.

tca'yahakatōn, near the east bank of Gualala river at a point probably about a mile and a half up stream from the confluence of Buckeye creek with it. A railroad built for logging purposes in connection with the Gualala lumber mills now runs through this site.

dū'tsakol, in the mountains east of Gualala river and at a point about a mile north of the confluence of the middle fork with the main stream. This site is near the end of a prominent ridge in this vicinity known as Biddle ridge.

ka'tmatcī, near the summit of the ridge separating the middle fork of Gualala river from the main stream and at a point about three-quarters of a mile southeast of the confluence of the two.

kaba'tūī, from kaba', madroña, and tū'ī, forks (?), in the mountains north of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point about a mile and a half northwest of the old village of hībū'wī. This site is very near the boundary between the Southern and the Southwestern dialectic areas and is about a mile from the river.

tsū'nnō, in the mountains north of the middle fork of Gualala river and at a point probably a mile and a half northwest of Noble's.

― 227 ―

ka'sīle, from kasi'l, redwood, and le or lī, place, at the head of Wolf creek, probably near its northern branch.

kale'wīca, from kale', tree, and wīca', ridge, on the ridge separating the headwaters of the north fork of the middle fork of Gualala river from those of Ranchero creek.

Southwestern Dialect.

Boundaries.

Beginning at the mouth of Gualala river the boundary of the Southwestern Pomo dialectic area follows the course of the main stream of the river,See note 161. first in a northeasterly and then in a southeasterly direction to a point about a mile up stream from the confluence of the middle fork with it. Here it turns in a general easterly direction and crosses the middle fork of Gualala river, where it again turns in a northeasterly direction and runs into the mountains, passing to the head of Fuller creek. Here it turns in a southeasterly direction, recrosses the middle fork of Gualala river, and runs to a point just south of the old village of matī'wī. From this point it runs in an easterly direction across Hopper creek and just north of the headwaters of Austin creek, at the most easterly of which it turns southward and runs to Russian river presumably at a point a little up from the confluence of Austin creek with it.See note 244. From this point it runs in the same general direction to Salmon creek, which is here the interstock boundary between the Pomo and the Moquelumnan territories, at a point a short distance west of the town of Freestone. It then follows Salmon creek westward to the ocean. The western boundary of this dialectic area is the shore-line.

This rather long and narrow irregularly shaped area is bounded on the north, east, and south respectively by the Central Pomo, Southern Pomo and Western Moquelumnan dialectic areas, and on the west by the ocean.

General Description.

It will be convenient to divide this dialectic area into two parts: the coast division, and the river division. Along the immediate

― 228 ―

coast-line from the mouth of Gualala river to the vicinity of Stewart's Point there is a coastal shelf which is nowhere more than half a mile in width. A short distance south of Stewart's Point the foot-hills begin to run still nearer to the shore-line, leaving but a very narrow strip of level land; and from the vicinity of Fisk's Mills to the mouth of Russian river the shore-line is a succession of cliffs cut by the deep gulches of numerous small creeks, and only here and there habitable stretches of level land along the cliffs. From the mouth of Russian river to the southern limit of the area there stretches a belt of high, open land averaging a little over a half mile in width. This comparatively narrow strip along the entire immediate coast-line was probably the most thickly populated portion of this dialectic area and is here designated as the coast division.

Beginning with the foot-hills adjacent to the coast, the heavily timbered hills and mountains extend eastward beyond the limits of this dialectic area. In the northern part of the area the Gualala river runs in a deep canyon parallel to the coast-line, and separated from it by a high, timbered ridge. On both banks of the river and on the adjacent ridges are the sites of numerous old villages and camps, and this region is the one designated, for purposes of convenience, as the river division. To this division belong also the area along Austin creek and that along Russian river back from the coast. The separation of this dialectic area into coast and river divisions is more or less an artificial one, it should be remembered, for the actual distance of the river villages from the shore was in no case more than a few miles.

The foods used by all the people in this dialectic area were those characteristic of the coast region, as previously described. The various ocean products: fish, molluscs, and sea-weeds were plentiful; and acorns, grass seeds, bulbs, and other vegetable foods were found in the adjacent hills and mountains.

Coast Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Stewart's Point, just south of the store at Stewart's Point, a shipping port for small coasting vessels. This is at present the site of a village of the Indians who are employed at work in the

― 229 ―

woods about Stewart's Point. Formerly, however, there was an old village, called dana'ga, located at this same site. The present village comprises six houses with a number of inhabitants varyingWhen visited on July 7, 1903, the number at Stewart's Point was about fifteen, only three of the houses being occupied. with the amount of work to be had in the lumber woods. The permanent home of these people is at pō'tōl, commonly spoken of as "Charlie Haupt's ranch."

tcala'ntcawi, on the south bank of Russian river near its mouth. There are here two houses and about eight Indians, most of whom came originally from the region of Bodega bay. These houses are situated on the site of an old village which was called by the same name.

Old Village Sites.

kabapūtce'malī, from kaba, madroña, pūtce'ma, stand up straight, and lī, place, at a point about two miles southeast of the mouth of Gualala river and near the shore-line of the ocean.

see'tōn, from see', brush, and tōn, on (?), at a point probably about four miles southeast of the mouth of Gualala river and near the shore-line of the ocean. This site is located on what is known as the Hans Peterson ranch.

tca'pida, at a point about a mile north of Black point.

kalī'nda, from ka'lī, up (a steep place), and da, trail, about a quarter of a mile north of Black point. This is said to have been a comparatively small village.

kōwī'cal, from kō, mussel, and wīca'l, ridge, at Black point. It appears that this was formerly a village of some importance and while it is not now inhabited permanently there is at the present time a family consisting of twelve Indians who are living temporarily on this site. kōwī'cal is also the name of Black point itself, and is derived from the fact that just off the point there are mussel-rocks extending over a considerable area which formerly provided an abundant supply of these molluscs for food.

dana'ga, from dana'. to cover up, and ga, ?, at Stewart's Point just south of the store at the landing and about where the present Indian village now stands. This was formerly a large village and there were extensive mussel-rocks off the shore at this point as also at Black point a few miles farther north.

― 230 ―

dūwīma'tcaeli, from dū'wī, coyote, ma'tca, sweat-house, and e'li, place, at a point about a mile and a quarter south-southeast of Stewart's Point. This site is located on a small conical hill near the shore-line of the ocean and it is from the shape of this hill that the village is said to have derived its name. There is, too, a myth connected with this place which relates that Coyote built a sweat-house here.

ōhō'mtōl, from ōhō'm, nettle, and tōl, place (?), at a point about a mile and a quarter south-southeast of Stewart's Point and just east of dūwīma'tcaeli. This is the site of a very ancient village and has been used in more recent times as a camp.

kapa'cīnal, from kapa', bracken, and cīna'l, head, at a point about two miles northwest of Fisk's Mills and near the shore-line.

tabatē'wī, from ta, beach, batē', big, and wī, on, at Fisk's Mills.

kabesīla'wīna, from kabē, rock, sīla', flat and wīna', upon, at Salt point. The county road, which here runs near the shore-line, passes through or very near this site.

tcī"tōnō, near the shore at a point about a mile southeast of Salt point.

tcitī'bidakalī, from tcitī', a kind of bush, bida', creek, and kalī, ?, at a point about three-quarters of a mile north of the old village of sū'lmewī, at Timber Cove. This village bears the same name as a camp located at a point about two miles and a half farther up the coast. According to one informant there was formerly a village called tsūka'e, from tsūka', a small edible mollusc, Chlorostoma funebrale in this vicinity which may be the same as tcitī'bidakalī.

sū'lmewī, from sūl, rope, me, ?, and wī, place, on the north shore of Timber Cove.

ōtō'nōe, from ōtō'ne, the edible purple seaweed, on the south-eastern shore of Timber Cove and near Folmer Gulch.

metē'nī, at Fort Ross. This site was at some little distance from the shore-line and just in the edge of the redwood forest which covers the adjacent mountains to the east. In speaking of the Indians of this region PowersTribes of Cal., p. 194. says, "Around Fort Ross there is a fragment of a tribe called by the Gualala, E-rus'-si,

― 231 ―

which name is probably another relic of the Russian occupation." He refers to the occupation of Fort Ross and the adjacent country by the Russians from 1811 to 1840. Their control extended as far south as Bodega bay and it is possible that the name "E-ri'-o" which he saysIbid. is the name given by the Spaniards to the tribe living at the mouth of Russian River" may also have had a Russian origin, though it is more probably Spanish. Both these names are given by Powell,Op. cit., p. 88. probably on the authority of Powers, in his list of Pomo "tribes." The Indian name of the site of Fort Ross was, according to Thompson,The Russian Settlement in California known as Fort Ross, p. 4, Santa Rosa, 1896. "Mad-shui-nui," while Bancroft,Native Races, I, 449. upon the authority of Kostromitonow, says, "Chwachamaju (Russian Severnovskia), or Northerners, is the name of one of the tribes in the vicinity of Fort Ross," and again, upon the authority of Ludewig, "Severnovskia, Severnozer, or `Northerners,' Indians north of Bodega Bay. They call themselves Chwachamaja."

bace'yōkailī, from bace', buckeye, yō, probably under, ka, water, and e'llī or lī, place, near the shore at a point about three miles southeast of Fort Ross. There is at this place a large spring which is shaded by buckeye trees, hence the name.

pō'wicana, from pō, red, wī, place, and ca'na, ridge, on what is known as the Walter Fisk ranch at a point about four miles southeast of Fort Ross. This village derived its name from the fact that there is here a spring, the water of which sometimes has a reddish tint.

tsū'kantītcanawī, at a point probably about a mile nearly due north of the ranch house on the Charles Rule ranch and about two miles north of the mouth of Russian River.

kalemala'tō, at a point about half a mile north of the ranch house on the Charles Rule ranch and about a mile and a half north of the mouth of Russian river.

kata'ka, at a point about a mile northeast of the ranch house on the Charles Rule ranch.

― 232 ―

tsūba'tcemalī, from tsū'ba, a kind of bush, tce'ma, flat hole, and lī, place, at a point about a mile northeast of the mouth of Russian river and about three-quarters of a mile back from the shore-line of the ocean. The ranch house on the Charles Rule ranch now stands on this site.

tcamū'ka, at a point about half a mile west of the ranch house on the Charles Rule ranch. This site is on the same ridge as the ranch house above mentioned and is but a short distance from the shore, the ridge extending as a promontory for some distance out into the ocean.

tcala'ntcawi, on the south bank of Russian River near its mouth. There are at present two houses on this old site in which about eight Indians live. The present settlement is also called tcala'ntcawi.

a'ca'tcatīū, from a"ca, fish, and tca'tī, house, or talaLû'pū (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) from ta'la, stand up, and Lû'pū or Lūpû, rock, at a point about half a mile from the northern extremity and near the summit of the ridge immediately south of the mouth of the Russian river. This high ridge projects as a point some distance northwestward from the ridge extending southward along the coast from Russian river, and shuts in and protects a fairly broad and deep body of water at the mouth of the river. This village was located near some prominent rocks which stand on the summit of this point and hence the name which the Moquelumnan people to the south gave to it.

kabē'malī, from kabē', rock, and ma'lī, there or place (?), or lippūla'mma (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) at Duncan's point about six miles southeast of the mouth of Russian river. Southwestern Pomo informants quite uniformly state that their territory extended only a very short distance south of the mouth of Russian river and none of them have so far been found who claim the territory as far south as Duncan's point, most of them stating that their territory only extended for a very short distance south of the river. However, the Moquelumnan informants of the vicinity are very positive in their statements that the territory of the Southwestern Pomo extended as far south as Salmon creek, and that their own territory only extended as far north as Salmon creek. In the absence of any informants from

― 233 ―

the territory in question itself and in view of the probable correctness of the latter of the two views given, it has seemed advisable to consider the territory lying between Russian river and Salmon creek as Pomo, which places this village site within Pomo territory. According to early writers the Coyote valley Moquelumnan people called the Pomo of Big valley on Clear lake by this name, which they spell "Lupayuma," "Lopillamillo," and other ways.See p. 195.

Old Camp Sites.

kadjūsa'malī, from a'ka, water, djūsa'm, the bottom of a waterfall (?), and ma'lī, there or place (?), near the shore-line of the ocean about a mile southeast of the old village of kōwī'cal at Black Point.

tūlekalē'yō, from tū'le, hummingbird, kale', tree, and yō, under, at a point a little over a mile northwest of Stewart's Point. This site was located near the shore-line and but about four hundred yards north of tcīkō'bīda, the two being so close together that it has been necessary to indicate them on the accompanying map by a single symbol.

tcīkō'bīda, from tcīkō', to touch something with an object (?), and bīda', creek, at a point about a mile northwest of Stewart's Point. This camp was located only about four hundred yards south of tūlekalē'yō. These two sites are so close together that it has been necessary to indicate them on the accompanying map by a single symbol.

tō'ntōtcīmatcī, about three-quarters of a mile north-northwest of Stewart's Point.

suldjō"tūmalī, from sūl, snag of a tree (?), djō"tō, to stand up, and ma'lī, there or place (?), at a point about a quarter of a mile north of Stewart's Point. One informant gave this as the name of a camp a short distance north of tō'ntōtcīmatcī.

pacū'kitmawalī, from pa, excrement, cū'kit, small string, mawa'lī, to place (?), about half a mile south of Stewart's Point.

ma'tīmalī, near the shore-line of the ocean about two miles southeast of Stewart's Point. It is said that there is here a place some fifty or sixty yards in diameter which sounds hollow like a

― 234 ―

drum as one walks over it. The drum referred to is, of course, the aboriginal Pomo drum, which is simply a large section of a log worked to an even thickness of perhaps an inch and a half and placed, curved surface upward, over a long narrow resonance pit a foot or more deep. By stamping on this with the bare feet the drummer produces a deep hollow tone to the accompaniment of which the dancers move.

he'malakahwalaū, from hem or behe'm, pepperwood or California laurel, ma'la, beside, ka, water, and hwa'laū, to flow down or flow into, on the coast at a point about three miles southeast of Stewart's Point.

batsa'tsal, from batsa'tsa, Cascara, on the coast at a point about three miles and a half southeast of Stewart's Point.

dū'wīkalawakalī, from dū'wī, coyote, ka'la, dead, and wa'kali, ?, on the coast at a point about four miles southeast of Stewart's Point.

bacē'wī, from bace', buckeye, wī, place, at a point about three-quarters of a mile northwest of Fisk's Mills.

sōhō'ibida, from sōhō'i, sea-lion, and bida', creek, at a point about half a mile northwest of Fisk's Mills.

tcitī'bidakalī, from tcitī', a kind of bush, bīda', creek, and kalī, ?, at a point about a mile and a quarter south of Fisks Mills. This camp is situated at or near the point where the road which runs along the ridge just west of Gualala river, passing Seaview and Plantation, comes into the main coast road running from Stewart's Point down to Fort Ross. One informant mentioned a camp, called gasī'nyō, in this vicinity, and it is possible that tcitī'bidakalī is the one meant. This name was also applied to an old village about two miles and a half down the coast from this camp.

ta'tcbīda, from tatc, sand, and bīda', creek, about half a mile northwest of Salt point.

ledama'lī, just southeast of Salt point.

dī"kata, from dī"kat, to whittle, rather indefinitely located about a mile southeast of Salt point.

amaya'latcī, from a'ma, ground, ya'la, level, and tcī, ?, at a point about two miles southeast of Fort Ross.

ūkūtco'k (Western Moquelumnan dialect name), near a small

― 235 ―

creek which empties directly into the ocean at a point about two and a half miles southeast of the mouth of Russian river.

tcī'tī, at a point about four miles southeast of the mouth of Russian river.

napagīpū'lak (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) from napa'gī, mussel, and pū'lak, pond, about a mile south of the old village of kabē'malī at Duncan's point and about seven miles south-southeast of the mouth of Russian river.

hapa'mū (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) about two miles south of Duncan's point and about eight miles south-south-east of the mouth of Russian river.

ōyēmū'kū (Western Moquelumnan dialect name) from ō'ye, coyote, and mū'kū, trail, on the sand-bar at the mouth of Salmon creek at the extreme southern limit of the Southwestern dialectic area as given by Moquelumnan informants. Southwestern Pomo informants do not claim the territory as far south as this site; but Moquelumnan informants assert very positively that their own territory extended only as far north as Salmon creek and that that of the Southwestern Pomo extended down to this stream.

River Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

pō'tōl, from pō, red, and katū'l, spring, what is commonly known as Charley Haupt's ranch located near the head of Haupt creek, one of the southern affluents of the middle fork of Gualala river. This is located about nine miles a little south of east of Stewart's Point and about three miles south-southwest of Noble's, a ranch and stopping-place near the confluence of Wolf creek, Hopper creek, and the north fork of the middle fork of Gualala river, where these three streams join to form the middle fork of Gualala river. This village consists of six dwellings and a large dance-house and is located but a very short distance north of the ranch house on the Haupt ranch. The number of Indians living at this village varies somewhat according to the season, as it is the home of quite a number of Indians who at certain seasons of the year are employed in the lumber woods, bark camps, etc., along the coast; and in various capacities on the ranches in the

― 236 ―

valleys. The total number who claim this village as their home is probably about sixty or seventy, and these are all to be found here when dances and ceremonials are held. During the greater part of the year, however, the average number probably does not exceed twenty. The name of this village arises from the fact that there is here a mineral spring, the water of which leaves a reddish deposit along its course, hence the name red spring.

Old Village Sites.

tcūma'tī (this name has something to do with the idea of sitting down), on the summit of the ridge between the main branch of Gualala river and the middle fork at a point about three miles from the confluence of the two streams.

mūtca'wī, from mūtca', a sort of grass seed, and wī, place, on the summit of the ridge separating the main branch of Gualala river from the middle fork and at a point about six miles southeast of the confluence of the two streams, and about five miles a little north of east of the present village of pō'tōl.

atcacīnatca'wallī, from a'tca, man, cīna', head, tca'wal, sitting down (?), and lī, place, on the eastern slope of the summit of the ridge just east of the main branch of Gualala river and at a point about four and a half miles nearly due west of the present village of pō'tōl.

kaleca'dim, from kale', tree, and ca'dim, little ridge, on the eastern slope of the summit of the ridge just east of the main branch of Gualala river and at a point about four and a quarter miles nearly due west of the present village of pō'tōl. This site is not over a quarter of a mile southeast of the one last mentioned.

tcala'mkīamalī, from tca'lam, a plant found abundantly at this particular place, kī, ?, and amalī, flat ground (?), on the eastern slope of the summit of the ridge immediately east of the main branch of Gualala river and at a point about four miles a little south of west of the present village of pō'tōl and about a quarter of a mile southeast of the last mentioned site.

ta'dōnō, from ta, bird, and dōnō' or danō', mountain, on the eastern slope of the summit of the ridge immediately east of the main branch of Gualala river at a point about three and three-quarters miles a little south of west of the present village of pō'tōl and about half a mile southeast of the last mentioned site.

― 237 ―

t!a'tcūmawalī, from t!a, said to signify to wind around, tcū'ma, to place, and walī, on both sides, on the eastern slope of the summit of the ridge immediately east of the main branch of Gualala river at a point about two and one-half miles southwest of the present village of pō'tōl and at a point about two miles southeast of the last mentioned site.

la'laka, from la'la, wild goose, and ka, spring or water, on the eastern slope of the summit of the ridge east of the main branch of Gualala river at a point about two and one-half miles south-southwest of the present village of pō'tōl.

kōbōtcītca'kalī, from kō'bō, a kind of grass, and tcītca'kalī, said to signify a narrow open strip of land, at a point on the summit of the ridge just west of the main branch of Gualala river and about a quarter of a mile north of Plantation.

kīca'iyī, from kīca', sea gull, and yī, ?, at a point about half a mile southeast of Plantation.

tca'mōkōme, at a point about a mile northwest of Seaview. This village site lies to the west of the stage road running along the ridge from Seaview to Plantation.

seepī'namatcī, at Seaview. This site is directly in front, west, of the Seaview hotel.

hībū'wī, from hībū', Indian potato, and wī, place, at a point about half a mile north of the middle fork of Gualala river and about five miles east of its confluence with the main branch. This village site is probably in the vicinity referred to by Powers in speaking of the people whom he calls the Gualala. He says, "There is a certain locality on Gualala creek, called by them Hi'-po-wi, which signifies `potato place."'Tribes of Cal., p. 189.

dū'kacal, from dū'kac, abalone, and al, ?, at a point about half a mile north-northwest of the present village of pō'tōl.

tana'm, in the mountains between the headwaters of Austin creek and the main branch of Gualala river, and at a point probably about five miles southeast of the present village of pō'tōl.

kaletcū'maial, in the mountains between the headwaters of Austin creek and the main branch of Gualala river and at a point about a mile and a half southeast of the last named site.

― 238 ―

tsapū'wil, in the mountains between the headwaters of Austin creek and the main branch of Gualala river, and at a point about three miles southeast of tana'm.

Old Camp Sites.

kōōmtcōbō'tcalī, near the summit of the ridge immediately west of the main branch of Gualala river and at a point about two and a half miles miles nearly due north of Fisk's Mills.

ta'nahīmō, from tana', hand, and hī'mō, hole, on the east bank of the main branch of Gualala river at a point about a mile and a half nearly due north of Seaview.

cape'tōme, near the east bank of the main branch of Gualala river at a point about a mile northeast of Seaview.

ma'tcōkō, from ma, ground, and tcō'kō, to kneel down upon both knees, on what is known as the Charles Wilson ranch on the summit of the ridge immediately west of the main branch of Gualala river, and at a point about a mile south-southeast of Seaview. This was a camp used for purposes of food gathering, the immediate vicinity being open or sparsely wooded ridges which provided an abundance of grass seeds and bulbs. This site is located just south of the point at which the road leading from Fort Ross to Cazadero joins the one running along the ridge from Plantation to Cazadero.

kabē'batēlī, from kabē', rock, batē', big, and lī, place, at or near Cazadero. An exact location could not be obtained for this site, one informant stating that it was near a large rock located a short distance southeast of Cazadero, and another that it was located near a large rock just north of that place.

hatcī'wīna, from atcī', sedge, and wīna', on top of, on the north bank of Russian river at Duncan's Mill, about five miles up the river from the ocean.

tcaikōsadō'tcanī, from tca, man kō'sa, elbow, dō'tcanī, to place one's hand upon, in the mountains at a point about three-quarters of a mile from the northeast bank of the middle fork of Gualala river and about the same distance east-southeast of the old village of hībū'wī.

ne'kawī, from ne'ū, to lay anything down, ka, water or spring, and wī, place, at a point about three-quarters of a mile east northeast

― 239 ―

of the confluence of Fuller creek with the middle fork of Gualala river.

ta'tcaka, from ta'tc, sand, and a'ka, water or spring, at a point about a mile due west of the present village of pō'tōl.

te'kalēwī, from te, elderberry, kale', tree, and wī, place, at a point about a mile and a quarter south-southwest of the present village of pō'tōl.

Northeastern Dialect.

Boundaries.

The territory comprising the Northeastern dialectic area has been heretofore regarded as Wintun and is so designated on the maps accompanying Powers' "Tribes of California" and Powell's "Indian Linguistic Families North of Mexico," but it was found in the course of the present investigations that a comparatively small area situated on the headwaters of Stony creek is inhabited by a people speaking a dialect distinct from, though allied to, the several Pomo dialects spoken in the main area of the stock lying west of the Coast Range. This fact was noted in 1904.American Anthropologist, n.s., VI, 189, 190, 1904.

Beginning on the crest of the Coast Range, which forms also the divide between Sacramento and Eel rivers, at a point about half way between Sheet Iron and St. John mountains, the boundary of the Northeastern Pomo dialectic area runs in a general easterly direction to the low hills immediately west of Stony creek or Big Stony creek as it is locally called. Here it turns in a southerly direction and crosses Big Stony creek just west of the confluence of little Stony creek with it.It was impossible to determine exactly the western part of the northern boundary of this area, as it seems not to have been very clearly defined. The line is drawn on the map a short distance west of the confluence of Little and Big Stony creeks, but there seem to have been no very rigid restrictions in the territory immediately at the confluence of these streams, both Pomo and Wintun hunting and fishing there at will. The food-gathering rights, however, were controlled by the Wintun living on Little Stony creek, and the territory was considered as belonging to them. Throughout this portion of its course the boundary separates the Northeastern Pomo from the Northerly Wintun area. From this point on Big

― 240 ―

Stony creek it passes southward, along the low ridge separating Big and Little Stony creeks, for a distance of about four miles; and thence, turning westward, it runs along a secondary ridge on the northern slope of the divide south of Big Stony creek valley to the crest of the Coast Range at a point near the head of the south fork of Stony creek. To the east and south of this portion of the boundary lies the territory of the Southerly Wintun. The western boundary is the crest of the Coast Range, beyond which the Yuki territory extends over the greater part of the region drained by the headwaters of Eel river.

This small, detached Pomo area was surrounded on the north, east, and south by Wintun territory, while the Yuki bordered it on the west.

General Description.

The people speaking the Northeastern Pomo dialect thus lived in an isolated area consisting of the drainage basin of the upper headwaters of Big Stony creek, and were separated from the main Pomo area by Yuki and Wintun territory and the highest portion of the Coast Range mountains. The portion of the valley of Stony creek held by the Northeastern Pomo is from a quarter of a mile to three-quarters of a mile wide, and extends from the northern boundary of the area up nearly to the confluence of the south fork of Stony creek with the main stream. Low hills on the east separate this valley from the Sacramento valley, while on the west the Coast Range mountains rise very abruptly. Some of the highest peaks of this portion of the Coast Range are here: Snow Mt. and St. John Mt. The entire area is only sparsely wooded in the foot-hills, but there are considerable forests of pine on the higher mountains. Native grasses and flowering plants were formerly very abundant and these, together with the oaks, furnished vegetable foods, while game was plentiful in the mountains and fish were to be had at certain seasons in the streams.

Salt Deposits.

Among the foot-hills of Colusa and Glenn counties are several large seepages where salt-bearing water evaporates and leaves the salt crystallized upon the surface. The best known and probably the largest of these seepages and salt-beds, as the surfaces

― 241 ―

upon which the salt crystallizes are called, is the one in what is known as Salt-spring valley about three and one-half miles north of the town of Stonyford and about a mile west of Big Stony creek. This salt-bed is situated on the northeast side of a very narrow valley and is surrounded on the east and south by low brush covered hills from which at many points brackish water seeps into the earth of the salt-bed. This earth, which covers about three-quarters of an acre, is, when dry, a dirty white in color and of the fineness of chalk dust, and forms a layer, reaching a depth of about three and one-half feet near the middle of the bed, over the ordinary black soil common in the vicinity. During the rainy season the salt does not crystallize, but during the summer months it forms a white coat, very much resembling snow, over the entire surface of the bed, and reaches sometimes a depth of three or four inches. It is then that it is gathered by the Indians and stored either in the crude state or after refining, which consists in dissolving the crude material in water from which it re-crystallizes upon evaporation of the water, leaving a finely-divided, white salt which is very palatable.Dr. W. C. Morgan of the Department of Chemistry of the University of California has made an analysis of the salt refined by the Indians from crude material obtained at the deposit in Salt-spring valley, and finds that it contains 28% of insoluble material. Of the soluble material 99.2% is sodium chloride, thus showing the soluble portion to be more pure than the ordinary salt of commerce. The refining process removes a large percentage of insoluble material from the crude salt, but the process, as this analysis shows, is inadequate to thorough purification. As before stated, the refined product is very palatable, and is white notwithstanding the fact that 28% of it is extraneous material. This latter fact is probably due to the circumstance that the surface of the seepage is a finely-divided white earth. The refined salt is not perceptibly affected by damp weather because of its almost total lack of magnesium chloride.

It seems that the people speaking the Northeastern Pomo dialect exercised, or at least attempted to exercise, full property rights in respect to the salt at this particular place, and made it an article of trade with their neighbors, at least at times, though there are differences of opinion as to how they sold it. They themselves say that they sometimes sold the refined salt and that at other times they required a payment for the privilege of gathering the crude material from the salt-bed. Some of the Pomo from the Clear lake and upper Russian river region say they were not required to buy the crude salt, but at the same time

― 242 ―

there come from this region stories of salt-stealing expeditions to the Stony creek salt-bed.

It appears that for many years past the Pomo of the Clear lake and upper Russian river region have not obtained salt from the Stony creek salt-bed on account of ill feeling existing between them and the Stony creek people. One informant, a Huchnom Yuki in Potter valley, at the head of the east fork of Russian river, says that many years ago, when the Potter valley and Stony creek people were on friendly terms, some of the former went over to Stony creek and attempted to steal salt. A fight resulted in which some of the Potter valley party were killed. At the time there were some Stony creek people visiting in Potter valley and as soon as the news of the fight on Stony creek reached the villages of Potter valley these people were killed in retaliation. Since that time the Potter valley people have depended on the ocean for salt.

Another informant from Big valley, on the southern shore of Clear lake, tells the following story of the salt trade: About 1825 to 1835, as nearly as may be judged from events of known dates mentioned in connection with the story, a party consisting of Indians from the villages in Big valley and the village of cī'gōm, on the eastern shore of the main body of Clear lake, was organized to go to Stony creek to dance with the people there, and procure salt. A dance was held at one of the villages in Big valley before the party left. After two days' travel they arrived at a village on Stony creek called in the Eastern dialect keē'wī-na from keē', salt, and wīna', upon or near to. As was customary on such occasions, they halted a short distance from the village and dressed themselves for the dance, meanwhile sending one of their number to the village to announce their coming. All, both visitors and residents, went into the dance house and the dance was celebrated in the usual manner, being followed by a plunge in the creek. When the dancers returned from the creek some of the women of the village were busy pounding acorns into meal, and all seemed as it should be with the exception of one old woman who acted strangely and mumbled constantly hapūkamaialtūtsī'. No one seemed to understand what she was saying,

― 243 ―

and some of the visitors remarked that she should be happy with all the rest.

The visitors were soon served with food in the dance-house, and while they were eating the residents of the village all disappeared save the old woman, who came into the dance-house gesticulating wildly and repeating hapūkamaialtūtsī' in a loud, earnest whisper. Finally she took two sticks and made signs of shooting with the bow and arrow, and the visitors then understood that she wished to warn them of danger. Two of the party urged that all should return home at once, citing the fact that many people had been killed on account of the salt trade; but the others refused, saying that the people were perfectly friendly and they would stay and enjoy a good dance that night. The two, however, left, and had been gone but a short time when the residents of the village returned, accompanied by some of the members of nearby villages, all fully armed, and succeeded in killing all those in the dance-house. They then scalped their victims and stretched the scalps over rude baskets made for the purpose, each of which was fastened to a short pole (scalping was very unusual among the Pomo). Having ornamented the scalps with beads and properly prepared them for the dance, they went to a village north of theirs (this village was indefinitely located by the informant but, from the description of its inhabitants, was undoubtedly a Yuki village), where scalping and scalp dancing were customary, and celebrated the massacre. The details of the massacre and of the scalp dance which followed were learned by the Clear lake people only some years later, for the two men who escaped made good their safety without waiting to see any part of the outcome of the old woman's warning.

A few years after the coming of the first American settlers into the Clear lake region, about 1840,See p. 198. the Indians of Big valley organized a party which went over to a fish dam on the head of Stony creek and ambushed two Northeastern Pomo fishermen, killing them as they came to the dam to look after their traps. They then scalped them, and a dance was held at one of the villages in Big valley to celebrate the occasion.

Since the time of the massacre the Clear lake people have never obtained salt from the Stony creek salt-bed, except very

― 244 ―

recently since the white people have had full possession of the land upon which it is situated.

It is a significant fact that the Stony creek Pomo were, at least in more recent times, on most intimate terms with the Yuki, who were very hostile to the Pomo of the Russian river and Clear lake region. The Yuki enjoyed very great privileges within the Stony creek territory and, notwithstanding the great differences of language between the two peoples, intermarriage was not at all uncommon.

There were regular trails to this salt-bed from Potter valley, from Upper Lake valley, and from Round valley, as well as from the Sacramento valley. The trail from Potter valley, according to one informant, ran over Big Horse mountain and thence across Rice fork of South Eel river to Snow mountain, where it divided. If a party wished to buy salt, they took the trail leading directly down Stony creek; but if they intended to steal it, they passed on northward along the crest of the range to the north side of St. John mountain, where a trail led directly down to the salt-bed, thus removing the danger of passing any villages. According to an informant from Upper lake the salt trail from that valley led in a northeasterly direction to some hot springs on the extreme head of Middle creek, thence to Snow mountain, and on down Stony creek. If his people wished to steal salt they went this same trail, but at night. No information could be had concerning the trail which led from Round valley and other parts of the Yuki territory other than that it ran through a pass just north of St. John mountain.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Stonyford Rancheria, at a point about two and one-half miles west of the town of Stonyford. This is the only village inhabited by people speaking the Northeastern Pomo dialect. It is situated on the lower slope of the foot-hills a short distance north of Big Stony creek and consists of five houses and about twelve inhabitants who are practically all from the old villages of this valley. No name for this village was given by its inhabitants, but the people of the Southerly Wintun dialect living on Little Stony and Indian creeks call it nō'pnōkēwī.

― 245 ―

Old Village Sites.

tcee'tīdō, at a point about three and one-half miles north of the town of Stonyford and a mile west of Big Stony creek. This site is located on the northeast side of what is known as Salt-spring valley near the large salt-bed there.See the section dealing with Salt Deposits. This village derived its name from the salt, tcee'.

kakōska'l, or tcō'kLabe in the Southerly Wintun dialect, on the west bank of Big Stony creek at a point about two and a half miles north of the town of Stonyford. This site is on what is known as the Bickford ranch.

ta'taca, on the west bank of Big Stony creek at a point about two miles north of the town of Stonyford.

kata'kta, on the west bank of Big Stony creek at a point about a mile and a half north of the town of Stonyford.

dūhūltamtī'wa, or nō'minLabe in the Southerly Wintun dialect, on the north bank of Big Stony creek immediately north of the town of Stonyford.

mihiltamtī'wa, near the foot-hills east of Big Stony creek, and at a point about three-quarters of a mile northeast of the town of Stonyford. There is some doubt as to the name of this village, but the one given is probably correct.

baka'mtatī, or torodī'Labe in the Southerly Wintun dialect, on the south bank of Big Stony creek at the site of the grist mill just north of the town of Stonyford. At the time of the coming of white settlers this was one of the largest villages in this valley.

ōdī'laka, on the south bank of Big Stony creek at a point about two miles west of the town of Stonyford.

amō'tatī, on the south bank of Big Stony creek at a point about three and one-half miles west of the town of Stonyford.

tū'rūrūraibīda, near the south bank of the middle fork of Big Stony creek and at a point about one mile northwest of the confluence of the south and middle forks.

Old Camp Sites.

pakatca'hūya, at a point half way up the southeastern slope of St. John mountain.

wa'imūn, near the summit of St. John mountain.

― 246 ―

Yuki.

The first writer to define the name Yuki was Powers,Overland Monthly, IX, 305. by whom it was spelled "Yuka."In "Tribes of California" (p. 125) the spelling is changed to "Yuki." He says, "The word yuka in the Wintoon language signifies `stranger,' and hence secondarily `bad Indian' or `thief,' and it was applied by that people to almost all the Indians around them . . . . As a matter of fact there are several tribes whom both whites and Indians call `Yukas'; but this tribe alone acknowledge the title and use it." He says further, "Their own name for themselves is Uk-um-nom (meaning `in the valley'), and for those on South Eel River speaking the same language, Hūch-nom (meaning `outside the valley'). Those over on the ocean are called Uk-ho'at-nom (`on the ocean')." The Round Valley Yuki, according to Professor Kroeber, who has recently done work among them, call themselves ūkom-nom, and the coast Yuki uk-hot-nom, water big people. The Eden valley sub-dialect name for the Round valley people was onhuinom. Yuki is at present the accepted orthography, but others have been used, as: "Ukis,"Purdy, Land of Sunshine, XV, 442. "Yuca,"Mendocino War, op. cit., p. 33, Deposition of W. J. Hildreth. "Yukiah,"Ibid., p. 50, Deposition of Dryden Lacock. and "Euka."Austin Wiley, Rept. Comm. Ind. Aff. in Rept. Sec. Int., 1864, in House Ex. Doc., 1864-'65, Vol. 5, No. 1, p. 280. On account of the inconsistencies in the alphabets used by those who have written about the Yuki some confusion has arisen, particularly because of the likenesses of some of these spellings to those of the Pomo word yō'kaia, the name of a Central Pomo village, which has also been variously spelled.

Further evidence beyond that already quoted from Powers that the Yuki were a people more belligerent than their neighbors is found in the fact that they were called tcima'ia, signifying enemy, by the Pomo to the south. The stories told by the Indians

― 247 ―

also show them to have been of an aggressive spirit.Evidence of this is shown in the story of the massacre of the party of Clear lake Pomo by those on Stony creek, and the subsequent scalp dance which was held with the Yuki. See the story of this massacre in the portion of this paper dealing with Salt Deposits. The name tcima'ia was applied more particularly to the people inhabiting the region about Gravelly valley,One informant, an old Yuki woman, born in Gravelly valley, gave nû'ñkōl as the name of the people formerly living in and about that valley, and it seems probable that this is a form of the word written by the whites "Nome Cult" (the name of the government Indian farm established in Round valley in 1856, and later changed into a full reservation). The origin of the name is not known, but from the fact that nōm, meaning west, occurs in Wintun, as nō'mlaki, it is possible that the term came originally from that source. and in the mountains along Rice fork and on the headwaters of South Eel river. The name has been variously spelled: "Shumeias,"Powers, Overland Monthly, IX, 312; Bancroft, Native Races, I, 449. "Chumaya,"Powell, op. cit., p. 136; Mason, op. cit., p. 440. "Chu-mai-a,"Powers, Tribes of California, p. 136. "Shumaya,"Mendocino War, op. cit., p. 49, Deposition of Dryden Lacock. "Shumairs."Ibid., p. 50.

The territory of the Yuki is divided into four parts: a main area inhabited by people speaking the Yuki proper and Huchnom dialects; a coast division, here designated as the Coast Yuki, lying like the preceding north of the main Pomo area; a smaller isolated territory of the so-called Wappo or Ashochimi, south and east of the Pomo territory; and a very small area on the southern shore of Clear lake inhabited also by Wappo people who came originally from the main Wappo area farther south. This very small area forms, so to speak, a Wappo colony entirely surrounded by Pomo speaking people, while the main territory of the Wappo is confined to the valley of Napa river, a small part of Russian river valley, and the intervening mountains; and also a small area on the headwaters of Putah creek north of mount St. Helena. Except for the intervention of the small strip of Athapascan territory at Cahto and Laytonville, the Yuki north of the Pomo would inhabit a continuous area stretching from the crest of the Coast Range, on the western border of the Sacramento valley, to the ocean.

― 248 ―

Yuki Proper.

Boundaries.

The territory of the Yuki proper extends beyond the northern limit of the region under investigation and its northern boundary has therefore not been determined. The eastern boundary of the portion included in this investigation runs in a general southerly direction along the crest of the Coast Range, which here forms the watershed between the drainages of Sacramento and Eel rivers, passes around the head of the Rice fork of South Eel river and then takes a northwesterly course, along the divide separating the drainage of this stream from that of Middle creek, to Big Horse mountain. To this point the boundary separates the Yuki proper from the Northerly Wintun, the Northeastern Pomo, the Southerly Wintun, the Eastern Pomo and the Northern Pomo areas successively. At Big Horse mountain it turns northward, crosses South Eel river probably just below the confluence of Rice fork with it, passes a short distance west of the town of Hullville, near which it turns in a northwesterly direction and, probably keeping a short distance east of Salmon creek, finally passes onto the southeastern extremity of the Sanhedrin range, along which it runs to a point near its northwestern end, where it turns in a westerly direction, crosses South Eel river probably at a point about midway between the confluences of Outlet creek and Middle Eel river with it, and meets the Yuki-Athapascan interstock line at a point probably a short distance southeast of the town of Laytonville. The territory of the Huchnom dialect is separated from that of the Yuki proper by this portion of the boundary. The western boundary of this portion of the Yuki territory probably passes up the divide separating the south fork of Eel river from South Eel river and the main stream,See note 294. and so far as traced separates Athapascan territory from that of the Yuki proper.

To the east of this very irregularly shaped area of the Yuki proper lies Wintun and Northeastern Pomo territory. On the south it is adjoined by the Eastern and Northern Pomo dialectic areas, while on the southwest the territory of the Huchnom, the

― 249 ―

only contiguous Yuki, adjoins it. On the west is the so-called Cahto Athapascan territory.

General Description.

The territory of the Yuki proper lies in a country much more rough and mountainous than any of the Coast Range to the south as far as San Francisco bay. The streams flow in deep canyons, the mountains being steep and high, and in the entire area there are but few places desirable as sites for villages. Round valley,The Pomo name of Round valley is maca'-kai, from maca, Indian hemp, Apocynum, and kai, valley. The late Mr. A. E. Sherwood in Alley, Bowen and Company's History of Mendocino County, p. 167, gives the name "Mesha-kai" with the translation of "valley of tule or tall grass." in which the town of Covelo is situated, on the headwaters of Middle Eel river, is the largest valley in the area of the Yuki proper, and in former times supported a large population. In the Sanhedrin range between Middle and South Eel rivers is a small valley, known as Eden valley, and on the upper course of South Eel river at a point a short distance above the confluence of the Rice fork with it is another small valley known as Gravelly valley. Hullville is situated in the latter. There are other smaller valleys in the mountains and along the streams, but the region as a whole is rugged.

Almost all of the former inhabitants of the old villages of this dialectic area now live on the Round Valley Indian reservation.

Old Village Sites.

In the matter of social organization the Yuki proper, their immediate Athapascan neighbors, and probably also the Coast Yuki, differ somewhat from the remaining peoples here treated. The Athapascan people living about Cahto and Laytonville on the extreme headwaters of the south fork of Eel river were very similar in their general culture to the Pomo, while the Wailaki, who occupied the territory immediately northwest of Round valley in the mountains along the main stream of Eel river and westward, were very different in general culture from the Pomo, being much more similar to, though still quite distinct from, the Yuki. Both the Yuki and the Athapascans had, instead of the

― 250 ―

many villages which were politically and socially entirely independent, as among the Pomo and others to the south, a grouping of their villages into a number of units which show some approach to a loose tribal organization in that each unit group had what may be called a central governmental head. However, this banding together of villages into a group appears not to have been very stable either in the territorial extent of the group or in the firmness of the union of the villages constituting it. Also these groups lacked any special names by which they or their people were designated, while on the contrary there existed certain other names, such as ūkom-nom, which were used to designate all the people within given physiographical limits regardless of whether they belonged to one or more of the above-mentioned groups. On the whole, therefore, this cannot be called a true tribal organization, though there is certainly an approach to such organization in a loose form. Opportunity has not been afforded to determine these tribal groups over the entire Yuki territory, but it seems probable that the conditions prevailing in Round valley and the immediate vicinity are typical of conditions over the whole area of the Yuki proper. In respect to group names there are a very few instances occurring among the Pomo which point toward the existence of such names. These are possibly the remnants of an earlier group organization, though at the present time there is no case among the Pomo of a true political or social grouping of anything like a permanent kind. The names referred to are kūLa'napō, kabē'napō and yō'kaia, names which were applied to groups of people inhabiting one or more villages confined within very small territorial limits, but who recognized no political or social unity corresponding to the name. The existence of such special names for the people themselves of a village or of a small group of villages is very unusual among the Pomo, where the almost universal practice exists of designating a people by the name of the village which they occupy, or more broadly by the name of their valley, or still more broadly by the direction in which they live.

The most detailed information obtained in connection with the above mentioned groups of the Yuki proper concerns the territory comprising the northern half of Round valley with the

― 251 ―

adjacent foot-hills. Within this area there were a number of villages collected into three groups, each group being governed, in so far as any governing was done, by a chief called tiol hōtek, chief big, who resided at one of the several villages of the group. This village was recognized as the seat of government. At the same time each village had its governor or lesser chief, called tiol ūncil, chief little. The head chief administered the affairs of the group of villages, while the lesser chiefs cared for the people of their own special villages. The office of lesser chief and perhaps also that of head chief was hereditary and could pass to females as well as males in the proper order of blood relationship. While the groups were fully recognized, no special name appears to have been given to any of them, and the chief distinguishing feature to the Indians' minds appears to be the fact of the government of the several villages of the group by a head chief. No special name appears to have been given to a member of a group, he taking the designation of the particular village to which he belonged, or, if spoken of by more distant people, of the valley itself.

In the northern part of Round valley and in the foot-hills to the north and east, both of which lie without the limits of the accompanying map, there were formerly three of these groups. The territorially largest of the three occupied the western part of the valley from a line passing approximately north and south about half a mile east of the present site of the Round Valley agency and Indian school. Within this territory there were several villages. Names and locations for five, all of which lay near the foot-hills, were given by informants, as follows: tcotchan-ūk, mush-oak water, near where the residence of Mr. Westley Hoxie now stands, which is about a quarter of a mile east of the present agency. There is here a large spring from which the village is said to have derived its name. This appears to have been one of the smaller villages and the name of its lesser chief had been forgotten by the informants. Mamecī'cmō was located where the buildings of the agency now stand. The captain of this village was kūmcūme. There was a large dance-house here and the Indians formerly celebrated ceremonies here as well as at certain of the other villages of the group. Out in the valley, and standing almost separate from the adjacent foot-hills, about two miles

― 252 ―

west of the agency, is a small wooded hill. At the eastern foot of this hill is the site of ū'wi't, the chief village of the group. It was here that huntcīsū'tak, the last head chief of this group, lived, and this village was recognized as the seat of government of the group. The special affairs of the village were administered by a lesser chief, ōlyo'si by name. There was a dance-house here, but ceremonies were also held at certain of the other villages, notwithstanding the fact that this was the residence of the head chief. A short distance to the west of the wooded hill above mentioned is a flour mill which stands on the site of another village, called ha'ke. There was formerly a dance-house at this village and ceremonies were held here. Informants could not recall the name of the lesser chief of this village. On the western shore of a small tule pond which lies near the western border of Round valley and about two miles southwest of the flour mill above referred to, is the site of another old village, called son. It is said by informants that the same person acted as lesser chief of both this village and ū'wi't, a circumstance which is very exceptional for this whole region, as in all other cases known each village had its separate chief, or captain as he is commonly called. In addition to these five villages recalled by the informants there were several others of less importance, the names of which they could not, at the time, remember.

The second group occupied a territory in Round valley immediately east of the group just described and extending for some miles northward into the mountains, including what is known as Williams valley and reaching as far northward as Bluenose. The portion of Round valley itself which was held by this tribal group was very small and the only village recalled by informants was pōmo', situated at the foot-hills in the northeastern extremity of Round valley. The residence of Mr. Ed. Smith now occupies this site. Though the greater portion of the territory and the greater number of the villages of this group lay in Williams valley to the north, the village of pōmo' was the principal village and the home of the head chief. The last one of these head chiefs was hūlta'lak. The names of some of the villages in Williams valley were as follows, the names being given in order up stream from the mouth of Williams creek: mo'thuyup,

― 253 ―

kīlikōt', lelha'ksī, nōnûka"k, yūkūwaskal, and mo'yi. The exact location of each of these villages was not given.

The third group occupied a territory comprising a small portion of the northeastern part of Round valley proper and the valley along Middle Eel river immediately east of Round valley. Thus the greater part of the territory of this group also lay without the limits of Round valley proper. The villages of this group which lay within Round valley were, so far as could be ascertained, the following: on-aⁿs, earth-red, or titwa, on what is known as the McCombre ranch. It lies in a small arm of Round valley partially shut off from the main valley by a low, timbered ridge, called locally Tule Ridge, which extends southeastward from the mountains surrounding the valley. This village was the most important of the various villages in the territory of this group, and was the residence of the last head chief, sintcitcmō'pse. In this same arm of Round valley and at a point a short distance north of onaⁿs is the site of another old village called sōn-ka'c, tule-ridge. This lay immediately east of the low ridge above mentioned from which the village took its name. The third village in this area was molkûs, which lay at the immediate foot-hills just east of the cemetery now used by the nomlaki (Wintun) people on the reservation. This village lay very near the line between the territory of this group and that of the group last outlined and may have been occupied partly by people of both groups. It appears however that its people recognized sintcitcmō'pse as their head chief.

As above stated, no tribal names appear to have existed, village and locality names being the only ones used. Thus people were referred to as of a certain village or, if spoken of by more distant people, as of a certain valley. The people of the various localities within the Yuki territory were referred to by the Yuki proper, as follows, the name of the locality or of the village being followed by the ending nom signifying `people of':

In Round valley, ū'kom-nom, valley people.

In Williams valley, northeast of Round valley, cipi-maⁿl-nom, willow-creek-people, Kitcil-ūkom is another name for Williams valley.

― 254 ―

In what is known as Poorman's valley to the northeast of Round valley, ūka'tcim-nom, from ūk, water, katcim, not good, bad, and nom, people.

At Blue Nose, a prominent mountain north of Round valley, līl-tam-nom, rock-sidehill-people. Professor Kroeber obtained nonlatc-nom as the name for the people of this vicinity.

Along the head of Middle Eel river, maⁿl-tca'l-nom, creek-tcal-people.

On Middle Eel river, at a point a short distance up stream from the confluence of South Eel river with it, ūtit-nom, ūtit-people. According to information obtained by Professor Kroeber huitit-nom is the name of a people on the south fork of Middle Eel river, adjacent to the Yuki-Wintun boundary, the summit of the Coast Range.

In Eden valley, in the Sanhedrin range south of Round valley, wīt-ūkom-nom, sidehill-valley-people.

Along South Eel river in the vicinity of the confluence of Outlet creek with it, hūtc-nom, mountain-people. This name was more loosely applied to all of the Yukian people speaking the dialect of this vicinity, but the name is said to have been originally applied to this more restricted region. Tītam-nom also signifies mountain people.

In the vicinity of Travelers Home on South Eel river, yek-maⁿl-nom, yek-creek-people.

In Gravelly valley in which Hullville is situated, on-kol-ūkom-nom, land on-the-other-side (?) valley people. This valley is well up toward the source of South Eel river. It was also called nūtc-ūkom, literally gravel-valley.

In the valley of Stony creek about Stonyford, iwil-han-nom, poison-house (i.e., sweat-house)-people.

Along the immediate coast-line, that is the people living in what is here designated as the Coast Yuki dialectic area, ūk-hot-nom, water-big-people.

Further Professor Kroeber has obtained the following, all of which are names of villages with the ending nom added:

sonlal-nom, at or near Poonkiny (p'ūnkini, wormwood).

tcahe-lil-nom, redbud-rock-people, indefinitely located somewhere toward Middle Eel river from Poonkiny.

― 255 ―

sukā-nom, a short distance north of the coal mine on the north bank of Middle Eel river at a point nearly due south of Covelo.

sukcultata-nom, near Buck mountain, and Hull's creek, one of the affluents of the north fork of Eel river, flowing into it from the southeast.

lil-cik-nom (rock-black-people), lil-cai-nom, or lil-nui-nom, about ten miles below the confluence of South and Middle Eel rivers, at a large rock west of the river.

ta'-nom; ta' is an open hill-side east of Eel river and about west of Round valley. This is the name applied to a people who lived mainly east of Eel river and northward along it as far as the Wailaki territory. The following villages are said to have been closely affiliated with the ta'nom, and all together were often spoken of as ta'nom: haⁿtc-hot-nom, pomahaⁿ-nom, and ūlāmol-nom, all lying east of Eel river, and kītcil-pit' (flint-hole, or mine) lying west of it. Also māⁿt-nom and kacaⁿsitc-nom, both indefinitely located.

The ending nom which appears on most of these names, as also on many of the names of the Huchnom villages, does not signify village or place, but people, and is evidently related to the Wappo nō'ma, used in the same manner, but said to signify village or home.

The following are the villages of the Yuki proper located within the limits of the territory covered by the accompanying map:

mo'tnōōm (Huchnom dialect name), near the south bank of Middle Eel river at its confluence with South Eel river. utit-nom is the name of a people living at the confluence of South and Middle Eel rivers, according to information obtained by Professor A. L. Kroeber from the Round valley Yuki.

hūnkali'tc, on the north bank of South Eel river at a point a short distance southeast of Hullville in Gravelly valley.The Eastern Pomo name of Gravelly valley is kūtsa'kū-kai, starvation valley. The name Gravelly valley is given to it on account of its extremely gravelly and barren soil.

ūwūlūī'me (Northeastern Pomo dialect name), at a point a short distance southwest of Hullville in Gravelly valley on South Eel river.

From Yuki informants in Round valley Professor A. L. Kroeber learned the names of two old village sites in Eden valley.

― 256 ―

One of these, k'iliku, is in the northern or lower end of the valley, while the other, witukom, is in the southern or upper end. The people of the latter owned the adjacent parts of the Sanhedrin range. The inhabitants of Eden valley with those living at the confluence of South and Middle Eel rivers formed a sub-dialectic group of the Yuki proper.

Huchnom Dialect.

Hū'chnom is the name by which these people were called both by themselves and by the Yuki proper. The Pomo to the south called them Ta'tū, and they are at present commonly known on the Round valley reservation as Redwoods. The latter name arose from the fact that part of their number formerly lived at a village in Redwood valley at the head of the main branch of Russian river. This circumstance gave rise to the statement by early writers that the whole of Redwood valley and surrounding territory belonged to them. PowersTribes of California, p. 139. gives "Huchnom" as the name which the Indians apply to themselves, but in treating of them he calls them "Ta-tu," adding, however, that that name is the one "applied to them by the Pomo of Potter valley," and further that the particular people to whom the name was applied were those living in the extreme upper end of Potter valley. But he says alsoIbid, p. 126. that the name Huchnom was applied by the Yuki to all the people living along South Eel river and that its signification was "outside the valley."See Yuki, p. 556. The name is spelled "Hoochnom" by MasonOp. cit., p. 368. who also usesIbid., p. 328. "Taco," upon the authority of Dr. J. W. Hudson, in speaking of the Huchnom of Potter valley. Bancroft,Native Races, I, 449. quoting from Powers' manuscript, speaks of the "Tahtoos."

Boundaries.

Beginning probably at a point a short distance southeast of the town of Laytonville the boundary of the Huchnom dialect runs in a general easterly direction, crossing South Eel river at

― 257 ―

a point half way between the confluences of Outlet creek and of Middle Eel river with it, to the crest of the Sanhedrin range, which it follows with its southeasterly trend to the headwaters of Salmon creek, a tributary of South Eel river, and thence, in the same direction, probably along the ridge just east of Salmon creek and a short distance west of Hullville in Gravelly valley. Near Hullville it turns in a southerly direction and runs to South Eel river which it again crosses, this time probably near the confluence of Rice fork with it. It then passes on southward and intersects the Pomo-Yuki interstock line at a point probably just north of Big Horse mountain. Northeast of this portion of the boundary lies the territory of the Yuki proper. At Big Horse mountain the line turns in a general westerly direction and follows the ridge just south of South Eel river to Potter valley, where it crosses the extreme head of the east fork of Russian river. From here it continues in a westerly direction for a short distance along the ridge just south of South Eel river and then turns in a northwesterly direction up the divide separating the drainages of Outlet and Tomki creeks. This divide it follows to the extreme head of Tomki creek. Here it takes again a westerly course, crosses Outlet creek, and runs to a point a short distance north of Sherwood valley. This portion of the boundary separates the Huchnom and Pomo areas. From Sherwood valley it runs in a northerly direction probably following the divide between the drainage of Outlet creek and that of the South fork of Eel river to the starting point, a short distance southeast of the town of Laytonville,It has been impossible to determine, except approximately, the Eastern Yuki-Athapascan interstock boundary, and it is known that the line between the Yuki proper and the Huchnom areas crossed South Eel river at a point about half way between the confluences of Outlet creek and Middle Eel river with it, that it ran along the crest of the Sanhedrin range, and that it passed just west of Hullville in Gravelly valley; but it has been impossible to determine exactly the portions of the line from the ends of the Sanhedrin range to the western and southern boundaries respectively. thus separating the Huchnom territory from the Athapascan to the west.

On the north, northeast and east the territory of the Yuki proper is contiguous to this somewhat rectangular area of the Huchnom. On the south and southwest is the Northern Pomo dialectic area, and on the west the Cahto Athapascan.

― 258 ―

General Description.

The Huchnom area lies almost wholly between the ranges immediately adjacent to the course of South Eel river and almost all of the villages were located on the banks of the river, the ruggedness of the mountains rendering them almost entirely unfit for habitation. The only portion of this dialectic area not between these ranges is a very small area in the extreme northern end of Potter valley on the headwaters of the east fork of Russian river. There was here a single Huchnom village, the inhabitants of which were, however, on most friendly terms with their Pomo neighbors. While they owned the small area at the head of the valley they placed no restrictions on the use of it by the Pomo and, in turn, they made use of the Pomo territory in the valley. In fact, the Huchnom, not only of this village but also of the entire Huchnom area, were on much more friendly terms with the Pomo than with their nearer linguistic relatives, the Yuki proper. Their cultural affinities also were with the Pomo, while those of the Yuki proper appear to be more with the Wailaki and others to the north.

There are no inhabited modern villages within the Huchnom dialectic area. The few remaining individuals speaking the Huchnom dialect are at the Round Valley Indian reservation, where they are commonly known under the name of Redwoods, and in Potter valley on the east fork of Russian river, where they are usually called Tatu.

Old Village Sites.

cī'pōmūl, on the east bank of South Eel river at the confluence of Outlet creek with it.

nonhoⁿhoⁿū, on the northeast bank of South Eel river at a point about seven miles up stream from the confluence of Outlet creek with it.

yek or sī'mīyaxai (Northern Pomo dialect name), on South Eel river at a point about ten miles up stream from the confluence of Outlet creek with it and about seven miles down stream from the confluence of Tomki creek with it. This village was situated on both sides of the river at a point only a short distance

― 259 ―

down stream from the wagon bridge, known as Long's bridge, across South Eel river.

moⁿt, near the east bank of Sanhedrin creek at its confluence with South Eel river.

mū'pan, or cīi'ncil (Northern Pomo dialect name) from cīi'n, grape-vine, and cil, bunch, on the east bank of South Eel river at the confluence of Thomas creek with it.

mo'tkūyūk, or wa'mūlū (Northern Pomo dialect name), at the confluence of Tomki creekThe valley called "Betumki" by Gibbs, and various variants of that name by other early writers, is not situated along Tomki creek, but is Little Lake valley at the head of Outlet creek. See note 112. Tomki comes from mto'm-kai, the Pomo name of Little Lake valley, but has been applied by the whites to an entirely different creek and valley than the one intended by the Indians. The Huchnom name of Tomki creek is kilīmī'l. with South Eel river. This village occupied both banks of the river at this point.

ha'ⁿtūpōkai, or tadam (Northern Pomo dialect name), on the south bank of Tomki creek at a point about three and one-half miles up stream from its confluence with South Eel river.

pūkē'mūl, on the upper course of Tomki creek at a point probably about five miles northwest of its confluence with South Eel river.

baa'wel (Northern Pomo dialect name), on the west bank of South Eel river at a point about a mile and a half down stream from the summer resort known as John Day's.

li'lkool, or kalū'yakai (Northern Pomo dialect name), at a point about a quarter of a mile up stream from John Day's on South Eel river. This village occupied both banks of the river at this point, the larger part, however, being on the south bank.

kōmōhmemūtkūyū'k or cō'nba (Northern Pomo dialect name), on the north bank of South Eel river at a point about three miles up stream from John Day's. This village was located on what is known as Lowder's flat, a small flat on the north bank of the river at a point a short distance down stream from the confluence of Buckner creek with it.

mūmeme't, on the north bank of South Eel river at a point a short distance down stream from the confluence of Salmon creek with it.

ū'kūmnanōōn; or kalē da, or te'lda (Northern Pomo dialect names), on the extreme headwaters of the east fork of Russian

― 260 ―

river and at the head of Potter valley. This was the only Huchnom village lying outside of the drainage of South Eel river. A similar name has been found by Professor A. L. Kroeber among the Yuki proper, who now call themselves ukom-nom, which may originally have been the name only of the people of Round valley itself, or of a single village in it. The Eden valley sub-dialect name for the Round valley people was onhui-nom.

Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.

mūlha'l, in Redwood valley on Russian river, at a point about four and one-half miles north of the town of Calpella.Owing to the presence of the Huchnom at this village this entire valley was supposed by Powers and other early writers to belong to the Yuki. It seems, however, from information gathered from both Huchnom and Pomo sources, that this was but a temporary village of the Huchnom and that they claimed no rights of ownership in the valley. As to the circumstances of their settling at this village there are conflicting opinions. One informant says that the Huchnom lived here for short periods before the coming of white settlers; another, that they moved here from Eel river after the coming of white settlers, and remained for about twenty years, after which they moved to cō'dakai, in Coyote valley near the confluence of the east fork of Russian river with the main stream, where they remained for about five years.

cō'dakai (Northern Pomo dialect name), at the southwestern end of Coyote valley, and at a point about a mile and a half up stream from the confluence of the east fork of Russian river with the main stream. It seems probable that this village was occupied by the Huchnom for a few years after they left their former temporary village at mūlha'l in Redwood valley. This was not, however, exclusively a Huchnom village, as there were Pomo living here at different times.See also cō'dakai, p. 278.

Coast Yuki.

Boundaries.

The territory of the Coast Yuki extends beyond the northern limit of the region under consideration and its northern boundaryThe boundary as determined by Professor A. L. Kroeber from Coast Yuki informants at Westport is indefinitely located on the north as between that town and Usal, about thirteen miles north of Westport. The region about Usal was Athapascan.—Amer. Anth., n.s., V. p. 729, 1903. Powers (Tribes of California, p. 155) incorrectly gives it as Pomo, calling the people "Yu-sâl Pomo or Kam-a-lal Po-mo (Ocean people)." has not been determined. The eastern boundary was only

― 261 ―

indefinitely determined but it is probable that it runs in a southerly direction along the water-shed separating the drainage of the south fork of Eel river from that of De Haven and other small creeks along the coast-line and thence in a southeasterly direction along this same divide around the heads of the north fork and the main branch of Ten Mile river to the northern boundary of the main Pomo area which it meets at a point probably about four miles northwest of Sherwood. Throughout all of this course it separates the Coast Yuki and the Athapascan areas. Here it turns in a westerly direction and, separating the Pomo and the Coast Yuki areas, runs to the coast at a point a short distance south of the southern end of Cleone beach.The information concerning these boundaries is conflicting, informants from different localities differing in their opinions as to what formed the line. According to information obtained by Professor A. L. Kroeber from a Coast Yuki at Westport the eastern boundary of their territory extended to the south fork of Eel river, known locally as Jackson valley creek, which agrees with information obtained by Professor P. E. Goddard among the Athapascans at Cahto. The western boundary of this area is the shore-line of the ocean.

This area is adjoined on the east by the territory of the Athapascans and on the south by that of the Northern Pomo, while the ocean lies to the west.

General Description.

The Coast Yuki territory extends over portions of two topographic divisions, the coast region and the redwood belt. At Cleone there is a sand beach about four miles in length and to the east of this the open coast country slopes gently back for from a quarter to three-quarters of a mile. From the northern end of this beach northward to De Haven creek the shore-line is characterized by fairly high cliffs, and north of this point the cliffs reach often several hundreds of feet in height. Several creeks cut these cliffs, flowing in very deep, steep-walled canyons, but the only stream of any considerable size within this area is Ten Mile river. A dense forest of redwoods begins a short distance back from the shore-line of the ocean and extends over the adjacent mountains and beyond the eastern limits of the area.

― 262 ―

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Near the beach just south of the mouth of De Haven creek there are living at present a few Indians speaking the Coast Yuki dialect. This place, however, should be counted rather as a temporary village than as a permanent one, since the people now living here do not remain continuously, but move about to a certain extent, their moving being governed chiefly by the places where employment is to be had. These people are mostly former inhabitants of the old village near the mouth of Ten Mile river.

Old Village Sites.

tcūcamatce'm (Northern Pomo dialect name), on the coast at a point about a mile north of Hardy creek.

se'ecene (Northern Pomo dialect name), at a point about a quarter of a mile southeast of Westport.

bīda'tō (Northern Pomo dialect name), a short distance back from the shore-line at the mouth of Ten Mile river. This was a very large village and occupied both banks of the river at this point. During the warmer season the people of this village frequently camped along the sandy beach which extends more or less continuously from the mouth of the river to the southern limit of the dialect just south of Cleone. The name bīda'tō was applied also to Ten Mile river. Upon the authority of the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood Alley, Bowen and CompanyOp. cit., p. 168. say, "What is now known as Ten-mile river, was called Be-dah-to, literally mush river, the name being applied on account of the quick sand at its mouth." However, this etymology remains to be established. Bedatoe is the name used by Mr. M. G. Bailey,Rept. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1858, p. 301. Special Agent of the Interior Department, in speaking of these Indians.

At what is called Mateo flat on the north bank of Ten Mile river at a point about five miles up stream from its mouth there is the site of an old village, the name of which could not be learned.

Old Camp Sites.

kabē'dima (Northern Pomo dialect name), at the shore-line near the north bank of De Haven creek.

― 263 ―

There is a sandy beach stretching more or less continuously from the mouth of Ten Mile river to the southern limit of this dialectic area, just south of Cleone, where the inhabitants of the old village at Ten Mile river made camps during the dry season. These camps were located at any advantageous spots along the entire four-mile stretch of beach. On the accompanying map a single camp location is given at a point about midway between the extremities of the beach; but it must be remembered that actually camps were made all along the beach and not especially at this particular location. A small surf-fish, as it is locally called, is abundant along this beach during the summer months and it was the presence of this fish that helped to determine the time and place of a camp.

Wappo Dialect.

The so-called Wappo, also designated by Stephen Powers as the "Ashochimi,"The names a'cōtca'mai and a'cōtentca'wī were applied by the Southern Pomo to all of the Wappo in the valley about Geyserville and southward along Russian river, and this is undoubtedly the source of Powers' name "Ashochimi" which he applied (Tribes of Cal., p. 196) to all the people speaking the Wappo dialect. The name is variously spelled by other writers: "Ashochimi" (Mason, op. cit., pp. 367, 440.), "Ashochimi (Powell, op. cit., p. 136.), and "Ashochemie" (Bancroft, Native Races, I, 648.). According to Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 168) also the Wappo living about Geyserville were sometimes called the "Rincons," which is a Spanish term signifying inner corner. The Wappo of this particular vicinity called themselves mī'cēwal. occupied two comparatively small areas, both entirely detached from the northern Yuki areas. The larger of these two, which it will here be convenient to designate as the main Wappo area, lies chiefly in Napa and Sonoma counties, together with a small territory in the southern end of Lake county. The smaller area, which is very small when compared with the main one, has always heretofore been regarded as a part of the Pomo territory. It lies along the southern shore of Clear lake and in the mountains adjacent, and will be designated as the Clear Lake Wappo area. Wappo is an Americanized spelling of the Spanish guapo, signifying courageous, valiant, or bold. It was given, according to Powers,Ibid. to these Indians by the Spaniards "when smarting under the terrible whippings which they used

― 264 ―

to suffer at the hands of that valorous tribe." Wappo is the usual spelling of this name, but the spellings WapoBancroft, Native Races, I, 363, III, 648; Ford, Rept. Comm. Ind. Aff. 1856, p. 257. and WappaFord, Mendocino War, p. 15. are also found.

Main Wappo Area.

Boundaries.

Beginning at Cobb mountain on the water-shed separating the Russian river and Putah creek drainages, the boundary of the main Wappo area runs in an easterly direction through the foot-hills, crossing one branch of Putah creek in Coyote valley, to a point about three miles northeast of Middletown, where it takes a general southeasterly course through the mountains to the southwest of Putah creek, passing probably about three miles east of Pope valley, and thence probably along the range to the east of Napa river to a point about east-northeast of Napa City.The former inhabitants of Napa valley are almost entirely gone and it has been impossible to obtain definite information concerning the course of a portion of the eastern boundary of the area or as to its southeastern limits. The head of Napa valley has heretofore been regarded as the southern limit of the Wappo territory, and on the map accompanying Powers' "Tribes of California" the southern boundary runs only a very short distance south of the town of Calistoga. In the course of the present investigation, however, it was found that the southern limit of this territory is tide-water on Napa river, or a point just north of Napa City, thus extending the boundaries formerly reported about twenty miles farther to the south and giving the Wappo the greater part of Napa valley. This fact has been noted in the American Anthropologist, n.s., V, p. 730, 1903. This portion of the boundary separates the main Wappo area from the territory of the peoples speaking the Northern Moquelumnan and the Southerly Wintun dialects. >From here it runs in a westerly direction, crossing Napa valley just north of Napa City, the limit there being given as tide-water on Napa river. It then runs in a general northwesterly direction, passing just north of Glen Ellen and crossing the headwaters of Sonoma creek, to a point about midway between the headwaters of Sonoma and Santa Rosa creeks. To this point the boundary separates the Wappo area from Wintun and Moquelumnan territory. From here it runs in a more northerly direction along the hills to the east of Santa Rosa valley, crosses Russian river at its great bend

― 265 ―

about four miles east of the town of Healdsburg, and passes along the ridge separating the drainage of Russian river from that of Dry creek, finally coming to the Russian river valley again at a point about three miles north of the town of Geyserville.The western portion of the Pomo-Wappo boundary from the point at which it first crosses Russian river northward to the point at which it turns east toward Cobb mountain is here given as it existed at the time of the arrival of the first settlers in this region. Formerly the Wappo did not own the portion of the Russian river valley known as Alexander valley and extending from the confluence of Elk creek with Russian river northward about to the small stream called by the Wappo pō'pōetc, which flows into the river just north of the old Indian village of kolo'kō, as also the territory extending some distance into the mountains east of this valley. This territory was held by the Southern Pomo who lived at several villages, the chief of which seem to have been kō'tīcōmōta and cī' 'mēla. According to Powers (Tribes of Cal. 196, 197) there was a "portion of Russian River Valley about ten miles in length north and south, and reaching across from mountain-top to mountain-top" which was ceded by the Pomo, whom he calls "Gallinomero," to the Wappo, a treaty being entered into by the two peoples. From an old Wappo it was learned that the Pomo held the territory in question when he was a small boy, probably five to ten years before the arrival of the first Spaniards in Alexander valley. The Pomo then resided at the villages kō'tīcōmōta and cī' 'mēla. The Wappo of this vicinity, called the mī'cēwal, then resided at pīpō'hōlma just east of the town of Geyserville. The two peoples seem to have been on very friendly terms until the mī'cēwal at one time gathered a considerable quantity of acorns in the valley just north of the creek, pō'pōetc, which formed the boundary between the territories of the two peoples. These they left stacked in piles over night intending to return in the morning and carry them to their village. In the night, however, the people of the Pomo village, cī' 'mēla, whom the mī'cēwal called ōnnatsī'lic, stole these acorns and were tracked by the mī'cēwal to the village of cī' 'mēla. The scouts sent out to track these people having reported, preparations were made to take revenge upon the ōnnatsī'lic. Apparently mītcēhe'l, the captain of the mī'cēwal village, took about ten men and stole into cī' 'mēla near midnight and succeeded in killing two of the ōnnatsī'lic. The following morning, as was the custom among these people, the bodies of the two were cremated and during the cremation a large party from the mī'cēwal village attacked the mourners, killing many, driving the rest from the village and burning it. Those of the ōnnatsī'lic who escaped went to some of the villages about Healdsburg and sent back to the mī'cēwal messengers asking for a meeting at which presents should be exchanged and the feud ended. The mī'cēwal in the meantime cremated the ōnnatsī'lic whom they had killed. A conference was arranged to be held near where the ranch house on the Lewellyn Hall ranch now stands. Here presents were exchanged between the captains of the two peoples, but nothing in the way of a treaty was entered into whereby the mī'cēwal were to hold the territory in Alexander valley. On the contrary, the mī'cēwal captain told the ōnnatsī'lic captain that he and his people were at liberty to return to their former village at any time they wished. He replied, however, that his people had no desire to return to their former village and that the mī'cēwal were at liberty to keep the valley and the adjacent country. Thus it would appear that there was really nothing in the way of a treaty agreement between the two, but the Pomo simply deserted the vicinity of Alexander valley, probably for fear that other trouble might follow if they returned. Certain it is from the statement of this Wappo informant, who was present at the conference and although then quite young is probably well informed on the subject, that no payment was directly made, the only exchange being the usual one of presents, in a way compensatory for the dead and wounded on both sides, but in no way intended to bind any agreement for a cession of territory. Prior to this time the Wappo held Russian river valley from the small stream, pō'pōetc, already mentioned, northward to about two-thirds of the way between the towns of Geyserville and Asti, their territory extending as far west as the crest of the ridge between the Russian river and Dry Creek valleys. The substance of the above story of the Wappo-Pomo war and the facts concerning the boundaries before and after it were also obtained more briefly from some of the Pomo now living about Healdsburg who had relatives concerned in the war. Here it turns in a general northeasterly direction, recrosses Russian river, and runs through the foot-hills to Cobb mountain. The Southern Pomo dialectic area lies to the west and north of this portion of the boundary.

North of the main Wappo territory lie the Southern Pomo and the Northern Moquelumnan areas, and on the northeast those of the Northern Moquelumnan and the Southerly Wintun. On the south lie the Southerly Wintun and the Southern Moquelumnan areas, while on the southwest that of the Southern Pomo adjoins it.

― 266 ―

Sub-Dialects.

This territory of the Wappo is divided into four sub-dialectic areas, which may be designated as the Western, Northern, Central, and Southern. The boundary between the Western and Northern runs from Cobb mountain, on the northern interstock boundary, down the range connecting Cobb mountain with Mt. St. Helena to a point probably about four miles northwest of Mt. St. Helena, where it changes its course and runs through the lower mountains west of Mt. St. Helena to a point about four miles northwest of the town of Calistoga, where it meets the northern boundary of the Central sub-dialect, which runs in a general southwesterly direction from a point on the Wappo-Wintun interstock boundary probably about five miles north of Pope valley, passes along the southern base of Mt. St. Helena and thence through the mountains to the west, approximately following the course of McDonald creek at a distance of a quarter or a half mile north of it, to Russian river, down which it runs to the Wappo-Pomo boundary at the point where it crosses Russian river. The line between the Central and Southern sub-dialects

― 267 ―

runs in a general southwesterly direction from a point on the Wappo-Wintun interstock boundary probably about three miles southeast of Pope valley, passes just north of the town of St. Helena, and meets the western Wappo-Pomo boundary at a point probably about due east of Santa Rosa.

While the Indians recognize differences in the languages spoken within these four areas and seem to have separated themselves distinctly into these linguistic groups, the differences between the sub-dialects were very inconsiderable. As was stated in speaking of the lexical relationships of the Yuki, vocabularies taken from all of the Wappo sub-dialects show differences one from another that are so slight that it has been considered unnecessary to print them separately in the accompanying vocabularies. The entire main Wappo area will therefore be treated as a unit regardless of sub-dialects. The limits of the sub-dialectic areas are, however, indicated on the accompanying map. In considering this matter of sub-dialects of the Wappo it should be remarked that the Indians say that the language spoken by the people occupying the Clear Lake Wappo area was identical with that spoken by the Wappo of what is here designated as the Western sub-dialectic area. >From the very limited vocabulary obtainable it would appear that this statement is correct, for, although the differences between any two of these sub-dialects seems to have been very inconsiderable, the vocabulary taken shows practically no words in the Clear Lake Wappo varying from those of the Western sub-dialect.

General Description.

The Wappo of the main area occupied the portion of Napa valley extending from Napa City to its head at the southern foot of Mt. St. Helena. This portion of the valley varies in width up to about a mile and is very fertile. Tide-water on Napa river marks the southern limit of the area, thus placing it north of the marshy lands which extend several miles back from the bay shore. The valley is shut in on the east and west by ranges of hills, low in the southern part, but increasing in height toward the north and finally meeting with Mt. St. Helena. West of the western range lie the valleys of Sonoma creek and Russian river,

― 268 ―

in the latter of which the Wappo owned a considerable area reaching from a point about three miles up stream from the town of Geyserville to the great bend of Russian river east of Healdsburg. Also on the extreme head of Sonoma creek there was a small area belonging to the Wappo. North of Mt. St. Helena and east of the range connecting it with Mt. Kanaktai is a small valley about Middletown on the headwaters of Putah creek. The entire main Wappo area is well wooded, there being considerable forests of pine on the range between Mt. St. Helena and Cobb mountain, while the foot-hills and valleys have oaks and smaller trees and shrubs which formerly provided, together with wild grasses and other small plants, an abundance of vegetable foods for the Indians. Game was formerly plentiful in the mountains.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Alexander Valley Rancheria, in what is known as Alexander valley on Russian river northeast of the town of Healdsburg. The village is situated at the west end of the Alexander valley bridge across Russian river at a point about four and a half miles northeast of the town of Healdsburg and consists of four houses and perhaps fifteen inhabitants.

Old Village Sites.

ka'imūs, on the site of the present town of Yountville. The people of this village are the ones referred to by MenefeeMenefee, in speaking of the Indians of Napa valley, says, upon the authority of Mr. George C. Yount who was the first American settler in Napa valley: "At the time of Mr. Yount's arrival in the valley, in 1831, there were six tribes of Indians in it, speaking different, though cognate dialects, and almost constantly at war with each other. The Mayacomas tribe dwelt near the hot springs (Aguas Calientes) now Calistoga, at the upper end of this valley, and the Callajomanas, on the lands now known as the Bale Rancho, near St. Helena. The Caymus tribe dwelt upon the Yount grant, to which they gave their name. The Napa Indians occupied the Mexican grant of Entre Napa, that is, the land between Napa River and Napa Creek, to which they also gave their tribe name. . . . The Ulucas dwelt on the east side of Napa river, near Napa City, and one of their words survives in Tulocay Ranch and Cemetery. The Susol tribe occupied the Susol Grant, . . ." In speaking of the population he says: "In 1843 there were from fifty to one hundred on the Bale Rancho, four hundred upon the Caymus Rancho, six hundred upon the Salvador Rancho, a large number on the Juarez and the Higuera Ranchos, and a still larger number at Susol. . . . . A few remain upon some of the ranchos named, but there are not one hundred all told in the entire county." This last statement probably refers to the date of publication of the "Sketch Book." C. A. Menefee, Historical and Descriptive Sketch Book of Napa, Sonoma, Lake and Mendocino, Napa City, 1873; pp. 18, 19. as

― 269 ―

the Caymus. This is a Spanish orthography of the Indian kai'mūs and has been quite universally used.Engelhardt, op. cit., p. 451; Bancroft, Native Races, I, 363, 452; and various other writers. The name is preserved in Caymus rancho,The Caymus rancho was granted to Mr. Yount, above mentioned, and consisted of two square leagues of land about the present town of Yountville—Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Napa county, p. 49; also King and Morgan's Map of the Central Portion of Napa Valley and the Town of St. Helena, 1881. but is not now otherwise in use.

annakō'tanōma,The ending nō'ma which occurs so frequently on Wappo village names is evidently from the same root as -nom which occurs frequently in the Yuki proper and Huchnom dialects with the significance of people of. bull-snake village, on the town site of St. Helena in Napa valley. The Callajolmanas spoken of by MenefeeSee note 308. as living on the Bale ranch near St. Helena may be the same as the people of annakō'tanōma. BancroftNative Races, I, 452. also mentions them upon the authority of Hittell.

tse'manōma, from tse'ma, ear, and nō'ma, village, in the foothills on the eastern side of Napa valley at a point probably about two miles northeast of the town of St. Helena.

wī'līkōs (Southern Moquelumnan dialect name), at the head of Sonoma creek. TaylorCalifornia Farmer, March 30, 1860. mentions the "Guillicas" and states that they lived "northwest of Sonoma on the old Wilson ranch of 1846," as does also BancroftNative Races, I, 363, 450. upon his authority. The reference is undoubtedly to the people of wī'līkōs. The village of "Huiluc" mentioned by EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 451. may, however, refer to this village or to wī'lōk a short distance northwest. The Guilicos ranchoThe Guilicos rancho is an old Mexican grant embracing 18,833 acres of land, lying along the headwaters of Sonoma creek to the southeast of Santa Rosa.—Bowers, Map of Sonoma, 1882. includes the site of the old Indian village of that name. The name is also found as that of a school district in this vicinityThompson, Sonoma County, p. 5; and Central Sonoma, p. 4. and is applied to the upper part of the valley along Sonoma creek.

maiya'kma,One of the villages near the town of Calistoga was called by the people of the Southeastern Pomo dialect xō'mūi, the people of this part of the valley being called ma'imfo. at a point about a mile south of the town of

― 270 ―

Calistoga near the head of Napa valley. According to one informant this village was also called nī'Lektsōnōma. MenefeeSee note 308. mentions the "Mayacomas" as living near Calistoga, as does BancroftNative Races, I, 452. upon the authority of Hittell, and as do Slocum, Bowen and CompanyOp. cit., Napa county, p. 44. upon the authority of both Menefee and Bancroft. BancroftNative Races, I, 451. also mentions, quoting from Taylor, the "Mayacmas" as inhabiting "the vicinity of Clear lake and the mountains of Napa and Mendocino counties." It seems certain, however, that these people are identical with the Mayacomas of his list as above mentioned. The "Mayacma" mentioned by EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 451. as a "tribe" that furnished converts at the Sonoma mission undoubtedly refers to the people of this village, and it is not unlikely that by the "Tlayacma" mentioned farther on the same people are meant. The name is now used as that of a range of mountains which, according to Menefee,Op. cit., p. 33. is divided into two branches, one on the west and one on the east of Napa valley. The name is also applied to the mountains extending northwestward from Mt. St. Helena,Bowers, Map of Sonoma County, 1882. and to a school district lying to the east of Healdsburg. This is also evidently the origin of the name "Mallacomes" which is one of the names given to the old Mexican land grantSee mū'tistūl. in Knight's valley.

nī'Lektsōnōma,See note 319. from nīLek, a species of hawk, tsō, ground, and nō'ma, village, just northeast of the town of Calistoga near the head of Napa valley. One informant says that this is simply another name for the village of maiya'kma.

tse'lmēnan,See note 319. from tsel, charcoal, me, water, and nan, a well or other deep hole containing water, near the foot-hills at a point about a mile north of the town of Calistoga.

mū'tistūl, from mū'ti, north, and tūl, large valley, in Knight's valley, in the mountains separating the drainage of Russian river

― 271 ―

from that of Napa river, and at a point about four and one-half miles west of the town of Calistoga. GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 110. mentions the "Mutistul" as living "between the heads of Napa and Putos creeks," as does also BancroftNative Races, I, 452. upon Gibbs' authority. This name may also be the source of "Multiculmo" given by EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 451. as one of the "tribes" with converts at Sonoma mission. The old Berryessa rancho "Mallacomes or Muristul y Plan de Agua Caliente"According to Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Napa Co., p. 50, this rancho, consisting of 17,742 acres, was located "near the head of Napa valley, embracing the site of Calistoga and the country adjacent thereto," while Bowers on his "Map of Sonoma County" locates it in Knight's valley and gives it as comprising only 12,540 acres. undoubtedly derived its name from this village.

kō'tīcōmōta, from ko'tic, black oak, and mō'ta, hill, or tcelhe'lle (Southern Pomo dialect name), from tcel, white oak (?), and he'lle, flat, at a point about half a mile northeast of the eastern end of the Alexander valley bridge across Russian river, and about five and a half miles northeast of the town of Healdsburg. According to the story of the Pomo-Wappo warSee note 307. this village with others in Alexander valley was formerly occupied by the Southern Pomo, who at that time owned the valley and surrounding country. After the occupation of this valley by the Wappo this site was inhabited by them, its name changing to the one here given.

cī' 'mēla, from cī', clover, and mē'la, place (?), or ōssōkō'wi, (Southern Pomo dialect name), from ō'ssō, clover, and kō'wī, valley, on the northeast bank of Russian river at a point about a mile north of the present Alexander valley village and about five miles northeast of the town of Healdsburg. According to the story told concerning the Pomo-Wappo warSee note 307. this village was the scene of the fighting. The Pomo formerly occupied this site, and later upon the Wappo taking possession of that section they also occupied it, changing its name to that above given.

pīpōhō'lma, from pī'pō, white oak, hol, tree, and ma, grove, or djelheldjīseka'nī (Southern Pomo dialect name), from dje'lhe, white oak (?), and djīseka'nī, ?, on the east bank of Russian

― 272 ―

river due east of the town of Geyserville. This site is located at a point about a quarter of a mile up stream from the Geyserville bridge. The people of this village, who called themselves mī'cēwal, and who were called by the Southern Pomo a'cōtca'mai or a'cōtentca'wī, formerly owned only the portion of Russian river valley extending from a point about three miles up stream from Geyserville southward to the small stream, called by them pō'pōetc, about four miles down stream. After the Pomo-Wappo war, in which it appears only the people of pīpōhō'lma and those of cī' 'mēla engaged, the territory of the Wappo was extended southward to the limits shown on the accompanying maps. The captain of pīpōhō'lma at the time of this war was mītcē-he'l, turtle anus, and he it was who led the Wappo against the Pomo and later arranged a settlement of the feud with them.

In addition to these villages along Russian river which were occupied by the Wappo, names of four other sites were obtained which, so far as can be learned, were not occupied by the Wappo but were occupied by the Southern Pomo before the Wappo took possession of this section, and for which only Pomo names could be obtained. These sites are all located in what is known as Alexander valley.

malalatca'Lī, from mala'la, mosquito, and tca'Lī, village, about half a mile north of Lyttons station.

aca'ben, from a'ca, fish, and ben, probably a curved pond, at a point about a mile northeast of Lyttons station.

gaiye'tcin, from ga'iye or ka'iye, manzanita, and tcin, to hang down, at a point about a mile north of Lyttons station.

kolo'kō, from ko'lo, mortar basket, and kō, long, indefinitely located but probably on the northeast bank of Russian river at a point about three and one-half miles northeast of Lyttons station.

The folowing villages are located in other parts of the Wappo territory and had no connection with any other people than the Wappo.

tekena'ntsōnōma, from teke, the mineral left as a deposit after the evaporation of the water from the springs at the Geysers in Sonoma county, nan, well or other deep hole containing water, tsō, ground, and nō'ma, village, just north of the Geysers near the head of the main branch of Sulphur creek and at a point about twelve miles a little south of east of Cloverdale.

― 273 ―

pe'tīnōma, west of Putah creek at a point about a mile north-northwest of Middletown. This site is but a short distance north of the cemetery at Middletown.

lō'knōma, from lok, goose, and nōma, village, or laka'hyōme (Northern Moquelumnan dialect name), at a point about three-quarters of a mile northeast of Middletown and at present on the opposite side of Putah creek from that place. The creek formerly ran to the northeast of this site but since the coming of white settlers has been diverted so that it now flows to the southwest of it. The valley about Middletown, probably taking its name from this village, was early known as Loconoma valley,Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake county, pp. 4, 45. and the name "Lal-nap-o-een""The Lal-nap-o-een tribe had their habitat on the St. Helena creek, just west of the present site of Middletown, in Loconoma valley. They numbered ninety but have dwindled down to ten. Chu-puh was their chief; —Ibid, p. 36.—In the Eastern Pomo district Lal signifies goose, and napō' signifies village; thus giving the same signification as the Wappo name lō'knōma. given by Slocum, Bowen and Company to a village in this valley probably refers to lōknō'ma. Their information concerning this village was obtained from Augustine, a former captain of the kūLa'napō, one of the divisions of the Eastern Pomo in Big valley. Continuing, they say, "These are the Locollomillos of Bancroft's list." The statement made by BancroftNative Races, 1, 451. is, "The Guenocks and Locollomillos lived between Clear Lake and Napa," and is made upon the authority of Taylor, who says,California Farmer, March 30, 1860. "Before reaching Clear Lake from Napa there was a rancheria called Guenocks, and in their neighborhood were the Locollomillos." However, in view of the indefiniteness of these statements, particularly the original one (Taylor's), and the fact that the old Mexican grantThe Locallomi rancho was granted to Julien Pope in 1841 and comprised two square leagues of land in and about Pope valley.—Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake county, p. 50. in Pope valley bears the name Locallomi rancho, it is possible that the people referred to as Locallomillos lived in or about Pope valley, though it seems more probable that they lived in the vicinity of Middletown.

ūyū'hanōma, on the east bank of Putah creek at a point about a mile and a half nearly due east of Middletown.

― 274 ―

Old Camp Sites.

mū'tistūl, from mū'ti, north, and tūl, large valley, in Knight's valley at a point about a mile a little east of south of the old village of the same name.

kūpē'tcū, at Harbin Springs about four miles northwest of Middletown.

mēhwale'lenōma, from mē'wa, grape vine, le'le, a small flat, and nō'ma, village, near the west bank of Putah creek at a point about three and one-half miles south-southeast of Middletown.

hōlīle'lenōma, from hol, wood, le'le, a small flat, and nō'ma, village, at the site of an old saw mill at a point about four miles nearly due south of Middletown and probably about two miles and a half west of Putah creek.

Clear Lake Wappo Area.

Boundaries.

Beginning on the southern shore of the main body of Clear lake at a point about a mile east of Soda Bay, the boundary of the Clear Lake Wappo area runs in a general south-southeasterly direction, passing along the eastern slope of Mt. Kanaktai, to a point on the range connecting Mt. Kanaktai with Cobb mountain about two and a half miles northeast of Carlsbad springs, thus separating the Wappo area from that of the Southeastern Pomo. At this point it turns westward and runs to a point about half way between Cole and Kelsey creeks, where it turns and runs almost due north to the lake shore which it strikes at a point about a quarter of a mile west of the present common mouth of Cole and Kelsey creeks,According to some informants Cole and Kelsey creeks formerly emptied into Clear lake separately and were brought to their present common channel by artificial means. For a full account of this see p. 192. throughout which course it separates Wappo from Eastern Pomo territory. It then passes for a short distance into the lake, turns eastward and then southward, and finally arrives at the point of starting, about a mile east of Soda Bay.

This small, approximately rectangular area is surrounded on all sides by Pomo territory, the Southeastern dialectic area lying

― 275 ―

to the east of it and the Eastern dialectic area surrounding it on the other three sides.

General Description.

This very small and isolated area was occupied by a people speaking a language which, so far as can be learned, was identical with that spoken in Alexander valley and in the vicinity of Geyserville in the main Wappo area, from which section it seems very likely they originally came. In fact it is said by some of the Pomo now living about Clear lake that the occupation of this area by the Wappo, whom they call lī'leek, took place within comparatively recent times. Prior to that time some of the Wappo from the vicinity of Geyserville had been coming regularly to Clear lake at certain seasons of the year for the purpose of fishing. These visits were received in a friendly manner by the Pomo of that vicinity, and in time this practice resulted in the permanent settlement by the lī'leek of the village of dala'danō, thus establishing what might be termed a Wappo colony at this place. According to some informants the relations between the lī'leek and their neighbors remained friendly, and they intermarried with the kabē'napō, who were their nearest neighbors. According to other informants, however, there was not always the most cordial feeling existing between them, and the story told by some Pomo informants concerning the diverting of the course of Kelsey creekSee p. 192. would tend to prove this assertion. Notwithstanding this story, the truth of which is not at all unlikely, it seems pretty certain that these people were, in general, on very good terms with their neighbors and did intermarry, at least to a certain extent, with the Pomo.

So far as could be learned they were never very numerous. They held only a very small part of the shore of Clear lake, about three miles; a sufficient amount, however, to afford fishing and hunting even if they had been restricted to their own immediate territory. This they were not, however, but probably fished and hunted at will over the greater part of the main body of Clear lake, as was the custom among all the other peoples living along the lake shore. The land occupied by them was chiefly of a

― 276 ―

rugged character, embracing as it did almost the whole of Mt. Kanaktai with the surrounding foothills, and only a very small area of valley land along Cole creek and about Soda bay. Although owning it, they seem never to have restricted other peoples from visiting Mt. Kanaktai, which was a place frequented by the inhabitants of the whole lake region for the purpose of obtaining roots and other objects which were supposed to bring good luck, and also various medicinal plants which were much more powerful in their effects for having grown upon this mountain. Also in the matter of hunting within their territory there seem to have been, at least in more recent times, no particular restrictions, and they in turn hunted in the territory of their neighbors.

The food supply of this area was that typical of the entire lake region, consisting of fish and water-birds at the lake itself, and of the usual game animals in the mountains, where there was also an abundance of acorns, grass seeds and other vegetable foods.

Old Village Sites.Owing to the fact that the former inhabitants of the Clear Lake Wappo area have almost entirely disappeared, it has been almost impossible to obtain the names used by them for their old village and camp sites, so that all of the names here given, except one, are those used by the Pomo of Big valley. The exception is the name of the old camp site near Soda Bay which is the name used by the people speaking the Southeastern Pomo dialect, thus making all of the names here given Pomo.

dala'danō, from dala', flat plate-form basket, and danō', mountain, on the east bank of Cole creek at a point about a mile and a half from the shore of Clear lake. As before stated the people occupying this village were called lī'leek by their Pomo neighbors, and it is very likely that this was the name used by themselves, as the Pomo say that it is a word of the Wappo language and therefore can not be translated by themselves. In corroboration of this statement it should be noted that lil or lel is the term signifying rock in the various Yuki dialects. The latter part of this name, however, has not as yet been recognized as either Wappo or Pomo. Slocum, Bowen and Company mention these people under this name,"The Lil-la-a-ak tribe had their location near the foot of Uncle Sam Mountain, on the west side. They numbered about one hundred, and about fifteen of them are left. Mim-ak was their chief."—Op. cit., Lake county, p. 35. and it is possible that this is the village referred

― 277 ―

to by GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 109, 110. as "Dano-habe" ("stone mountain") and by M'KeeSenate Ex. Doc., op. cit., p. 136. as "Da-no-ha-be." The site of the old village of dala'danō is a short distance south of the junction of the two roads leading from Kelseyville to Soda bay, and the site of a modern village called by the same name lies about one hundred and fifty yards north of it on the north side of this road.

kabē'tsawam, from kabē', rock, and tsawa'm, braid (there is here a cliff the strata of which are so twisted as to somewhat resemble braiding), on the east bank of Cole creek at a point about a mile and a half east-northeast from the town of Kelseyville. Directly across the creek and at a distance of about a quarter of a mile from this site is the site of a modern village which was called by the same name.

Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.

xa'danō, from xa, water, and danō', mountain, on the shore of Clear lake at a point just east of the present common mouth of Kelsey and Cole creeks. There are differences of opinion as to when and by whom this site was inhabited, but according to one informant this was the site to which the lī'leek moved after what is known as the Stone and Kelsey massacre which occured near the present town of Kelseyville. At that time the lī'leek, together with the kabē'napō, lived chiefly at the old village of nō'napotī, having been brought there by Stone and Kelsey. After the killing of Stone and Kelsey the kūLa'napō and kabē'napō moved over into Scott's valley west of Lakeport, while the lī'leek went to xa'danō. When the troops came in the following season to punish the Indians for the massacre they saw horse tracks leading from the vicinity of Kelseyville toward Scott's valley, and guided thither by them, passed the village of xa'danō without notice, by virtue of which circumstance the lī'leek escaped the terrible fate which befell the others. As nearly as can be learned these people lived here only about two years.

dala'danō, from dala', flat plate-form basket, and danō', mountain, at a point about one hundred and fifty yards north of the old village of dala'danō. Both were situated on the east bank

― 278 ―

of Cole creek at a point about a mile and a half from the shore of Clear lake. The people who occupied this site were originally from several different sites and moved here after the celebration near Upper Lake of a ceremony (a form of the ghost dance) which had been recently introduced from the Sacramento valley.

kabē'tsawam, from kabē', rock, and tsawa'm, braid (there is here a cliff the strata of which present a braided effect), on the west bank of Cole creek just across the creek from the old village of the same name. This site was, like dala'danō, occupied after the ceremony near Upper Lake, and its inhabitants were people from various old villages about the lake.

Old Camp Sites.

kō'pbūtū, from kōp, nettle, and bū'tū, knoll, a summer camp of the lī'leek situated between Cole and Kelsey creeks at a point about one hundred yards from their present junction.

xaga'bīdame, from xaga', obsidian, and bīda'me, creek (so named because of the large amount of obsidian in this vicinity), on the west bank of Cole creek at a point about three miles south-southeast of Kelseyville. This site is located on the Schuster ranch not far from the site of the ranch house which burned a few years ago. This camp seems to have been used particularly as a fish camp.

huge'lmītegago, from hūge'lmīte, the Wappo name of some sort of a mythical monster, and gagō', a Pomo word meaning valley, east of Cole creek and north of the road leading from Kelseyville to Lower Lake, and at a point about three miles southeast of Kelseyville.

katsi'lgagō, from katsi'l, cold, and gagō', valley, an acorn camp at the Jimison ranch just west of the summit of the road leading from Kelseyville to Lower Lake.

xa'xmōtmōt (Southeastern Pomo dialect name), at a point about half a mile southeast of the hotel at Soda bay. There was a spring here the water of which was unfit to drink, and the name was given to the site on this account. The water of this spring was used to bathe in and brought extreme good luck when so used.

― 279 ―

Athapascan.The area about Cahto and Laytonville has until recently been regarded as a part of the Pomo territory. Powers, in his Tribes of California (p. 147), says: "The broadest and most obvious division of the Pomo family is into Eel river and Russian River Pomo. There are two tribes on Eel River, between it and South Fork, who call themselves Pomo (Kastel Po-mo and Kai Po-mo), though it is an assumed name, because they belong to the Wailakki family, and prefer their company. It was mentioned heretofore that the Wailakki were rather despised by their neighbors; hence when any member of these two tribes intermarried with a true Pomo, he or she went to live with that nation and learned their language; hence also the fact that nearly every man of the Kai Pomo understands both Pomo and Wailakki. Nevertheless, because of their name and their claims, I have included them here" (i.e. among the Pomo). As nearly as may be judged from his location of the Kai Pomo who, he says, "dwell on the extreme headwaters of the South Fork, ranging eastward to Eel river, westward to the ocean, and northward to the territory of the Kastel Pomo," that is, to the vicinity of Blue Rock about twenty miles north of the town of Laytonville, they lived in Long valley, the valley called "Ba-tem-da-kai" by Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 118), on the headwaters of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river, and only a few miles northeast of Cahto. Further, M'Kee (op. cit., p. 148) says that "Ba-tim-da-kai" valley is the "second large valley" on Eel river, and he gives "Cabadilapo" as the name of the people inhabiting it, which further shows that the valley meant is what is now called Long valley. Of the Indians living in Cahto valley Powers (Tribes of California, p. 150) says: "We now commence with the true Pomo. The Ka-to Pomo (Lake People) were so called from a little lake which formerly existed in the valley now known by their name (Cahto). They do not speak Pomo entirely pure, but employ a mixture of that with Wailakki." Thus it seems that while Powers recognized that their neighbors in Long valley spoke purely an Athapascan dialect, he was led to believe that the language of the Cahto people was substantially Pomo, as is shown not only by his statements above quoted but also by a short list of numerals given by him on page 167 of his volume. From the statements of these early writers the people about Cahto and Laytonville have been considered true Pomo until very recently when it was shown by Professor P. E. Goddard (Amer. Anthr. n.s., V, pp. 375, 376, 1903) that their language is Athapascan.

Boundaries.

The narrow strip of Athapascan territory shown on the accompanying map is the southernmost extension on the Pacific coast of the territory of this great linguistic family, and since the Athapascan area in California alone continues far beyond the territory under investigation, its northern boundary has not been determined. The eastern and western boundaries have also not been determined accurately. The eastern boundary very probably runs along the water-shed separating the drainage of the south fork of Eel river from that of South Eel river and meets the northern Pomo boundary at a point a short distance north of

― 280 ―

Sherwood, thus separating the Athapascan from the Yuki proper and the Yukian Huchnom territories. At this point it turns westward for a short distance, then turns northward, probably along the divide separating the drainage of the south fork of Eel river from that of Ten Mile river and the small streams along the immediate coast-line, and passes beyond the northern limit of the region under investigation. To the south and west of this portion of the line lie respectively Pomo and Coast Yuki territories.

To the east of this small area are the territories of the Yuki proper and the Huchnom, on the south is the Northern Pomo dialectic area, and on the west is the Coast Yuki area.

General Description.

The greater portion of the Athapascan area under consideration lies in a rough, mountainous country, naturally uninhabitable. There are, however, a few very fertile valleys which formerly supported a large population. The largest of these is Long valley, in which the town of Laytonville is situated. It extends for a distance of about ten miles in a northwesterly and south-easterly direction along the east fork of the south fork of Eel river and is about half a mile in width. Cahto valley, lying between the heads of the south fork and the east fork of the south fork of Eel river, is about two miles in length by half a mile in width. Branscomb is situated in what is known as Jackson valley on the south fork of Eel river or, as it is locally called, Jackson Valley creek. This is a small valley and is situated in the eastern edge of the redwood forest which extends from a short distance east of this point almost to the shore-line of the ocean.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Laytonville.See note 345. There are two places near the town of Laytonville, one about a quarter of a mile north of the town and one about half a mile west, which are inhabited by Indians. At the former there are two houses and about twelve inhabitants, at the latter two houses and about ten inhabitants.

tōdjiLbi, at a point about half a mile west of the town of

― 281 ―

Cahto.The name of this town and village is at present commonly spelled Cahto although Brackenridge on his "Official Map of Mendocino County, 1887" uses Carto. Powers (Tribes of California, p. 150) and Powell (op. cit., p. 155), following Powers, spell the name Ka-to, while Powers at the same time notes the fact that the name of the valley is Cahto. Alley, Bowen and Company in their History of Mendocino county (p. 167) say upon the authority of the late Mr. A. E. Sherwood, "Cah-to is the name the natives apply to both that location and the people who inhabited it. The word `cah' signifies water, and `to' means, literally, mush, and was applied to this section owing to the fact that there was originally a large swampy lake there, the greater portion of which was miry and boggy, being veritable water-mush—cah-to. The people were known to all surrounding tribes as Cah-to-pomo." Substantially the same information was obtained from Mr. Sherwood in 1902. In considering the meaning of the name, however, it should be remembered that, in the Northern Pomo dialect, lake is ka'tū, and it is not at all unlikely that Cahto may have originated directly from it, owing to the presence in the valley of a lake of considerable size. Bancroft (Native Races, 1, 362) also speaks of these people as the "Cahto Pomos." Another name for the people of Cahto, given by Slocum, Bowen and Company (op. cit., Lake county, p. 28), also upon the authority of Mr. Sherwood, is "Chehulikia, which signifies the north valley." Also see note 345. This village consists of four houses and about fourteen inhabitants,See note 167. and stands on the site of the former old village of the same name.

Old Village Sites.

netce'līgût, at a point about nine miles nearly due west of the town of Laytonville and about three miles southeast of the confluence of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river with the south fork of Eel river. This village is on top of the ridge separating these two streams and on the property of Mr. Jacob Lamb.

yictciLti'ñkût, from yic, wolf, tciLtiñ, something lying down, and kût, creek, on the south bank of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river at a point about five miles west-northwest of the town of Laytonville.

sentca'ūkût, from se, rock, ntca'ū, big, and kût, creek, or kabē'matō (Northern Pomo dialect name), from kabē', rock, and matō', big, on Big Rock creek at a point about a mile and a half from its confluence with the east fork of the south fork of Eel river, or about five and a half miles nearly due west of the town of Laytonville.

ka'ibi, from kai, nuts, and bi, in, on the northeast bank of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river at a point about three miles down stream from the town of Laytonville.

― 282 ―

nebō'cēgût, from ne, ground, bō'ce, hump, and gût, on top, on what is known as the Wilson ranch at a point about one mile west of Laytonville.

seLgaitceli'nda, from se, rock, Lgai, white, and tce'liñ, run out, about three hundred yards east of the house on what is known as the "old" John Reed ranch about one mile north of Laytonville.

bûntcnōndi'lyi, from bûntc, fly, nō'ndil, settle upon, and yī'ū, under, just northwest of Laytonville and but a short distance from the place now occupied by the Indians near Laytonville.

ko'cbi, from koc, blackberry, and bi, there, at a point about a mile and a half west-southwest of Laytonville and on the south-west bank of the east fork of the south fork of Eel river.

tcībē'takût, from tcī'bē, fir, ta, tips, and kût, creek, at a point about a mile southwest of the town of Laytonville and about half a mile up the creek which drains Cahto valley from its confluence with the east fork of the south fork of Eel river.

distēgû'tsīū, from di'stē, madroña, gûts, crooked, and yī'ū, under, on the western side of Long valley at a point about two miles south-southeast of Laytonville.

tōdji'Lbi, from tō, water, djīL, ?, and bi, in, at the site now occupied by the Indians at Cahto. This site is on the west bank of the small creek running from Cahto into the east fork of the south fork of Eel river.

bûntctenōndi'lkût, from bûntc, fly, te, low (?), nō'ndil, settle upon, and kût, creek, on the north bank of the northern branch of the head of the south fork of Eel river at a point about a mile south-southwest of Cahto.

kûcyī'ūgetōkût, from kûc, alder, yī'ū, under, tō, water, and kût, creek, on the north bank of the south fork of Eel river at a point about three miles southwest of Cahto. This site is about half a mile east of the ranch house on the Clark ranch.

ne'īyi, from ne, ground, and yī'ū, under, probably signifying that the village was located under a projecting ridge, on the south bank of the south fork of Eel river at a point about three miles south of Branscomb.

sēne'tckût, from se, rock, ne'tc, gravel, and kût, creek, on the northwest bank of the small stream known as Mud Springs creek

― 283 ―

which is tributary to the south fork of Eel river. This site is about three miles a little south of east of Branscomb. There are on this creek and not far from this village site several springs which flow a very thin bluish mud, thus giving to the creek its name.

tontce'kût, from tō, water, ntce, bad, and kût, creek, at a point about a quarter of a mile west of the south fork of Eel river and about one mile southwest of Branscomb.

senansa'ⁿkût, from se, rock, nansaⁿ, hang down, and kût, creek, on the east bank of the south fork of Eel river at a point about a mile and a half down stream from Branscomb.

― 284 ―

Wintun.

The first writer to use the name Wintun as the designation of a linguistic group, was Stephen Powers, who wrote upon the "Wintoons" in the Overland Monthly of June, 1874. This with the remainder of his series of articles in that magazine was reprinted with little alteration in his "Tribes of California," where we find the orthography changed to its present form and the limits of the territory defined as "the whole of the Upper Sacramento and the Upper Trinity."Tribes of Cal., p. 219. Of the people inhabiting the lower portion of the Sacramento valley, he says, "On the middle and lower Sacramento, west side, there is one of the largest nations of the State, yet they have no common government, and not even a name for themselves. They have a common language, with little divergence of dialects for so great an area as it embraces . . . . For the sake of convenience, and as a nucleus of classification, I have taken a word which they all employ, patwīn', signifying `man,' or sometimes `person.' "Tribes of Cal., p. 218. On the map accompanying his volume, however, these territories are all included in the one Wintun area, but are separated from one another by a line which crosses the territory near the junction of Stony and Grindstone creeks. Powers further says,Tribes of Cal., p. 232. "The Wintun language has many words in common with the Patwin, a third or more according to my brief vocabularies," thus showing that he recognized that the two were related. His estimate of the percentage of similar words is probably somewhat low, but there is certainly a very great difference between the dialects spoken in such extreme areas as that bordering on San Francisco bay and that on the headwaters of the Sacramento river. His line of division between the Wintun and Patwin, extending across the territory at Grindstone creek, is only about eighteen miles north of the approximate line between the Northerly and the Southerly dialectic divisions, crossing at the confluence of Big

― 285 ―

and Little Stony creeks, as determined in the present investigation. Powell, following his principle of priority, gives Copehan,Ind. Lang. Fam., p. 69. formed from Gibbs' Copeh,Schoolcraft, III. 421. which he cites as one of the dialectsThe name kō'pe was not, so far as can be learned from the Indians now living in this Southerly Wintun area, applied to a village or linguistic division in this region. The word itself signifies grape vine. "spoken by the inhabitants of Putos creek," as the stock name of the combined Wintun and Patwin of Powers. However, Wintun has survived and is now the more generally known name.

Boundaries.

The territory of the Wintun extends beyond the limits of the region under investigation, so that only its southern with portions of its western and eastern boundaries are here given. Of these the western boundary only was accurately determined. Beginning on the crest of the Coast Range, which here forms the divide between the drainage of Eel river and that of Stony creek, at a point due east of the town of Covelo and west of Newville, the western boundary of the portion of the Wintun territory under consideration runs in a general southeasterly direction along the crest of the range to a point probably about half way between Sheet Iron and St. John mountains and separates it from the Yuki territory lying west of the Coast Range mountains. Here it turns in a general easterly direction and runs to the range of low hills immediately west of Stony creek, or Big Stony creek as it is locally called.See note 267. Here it turns in a southerly direction, crosses Big Stony creek just west of the confluence of Little Stony creek with it, and passes for about four miles along the low ridge separating the drainages of Big and Little Stony creeks. Thence, turning in a westerly direction, it passes along a secondary ridge on the northern slope of the divide south of Big Stony creek valley to the crest of the Coast Range at a point near the head of the south fork of Stony creek. This portion of the boundary separates the Wintun from the Northeastern Pomo area, which is thus surrounded on three sides by Wintun territory. From

― 286 ―

here it runs in a southwesterly direction along the divide between the headwaters of the Rice fork of South Eel river and Bartlett creek to the divide between Middle and Bartlett creeks, where it turns in a southeasterly direction and passes along the range east of Clear lake to Cache creek, which it strikes at a point about four miles from its source at the southern end of Clear lake. To the west of this portion of the boundary lie the territory of the Yuki proper and the Eastern and Southeastern Pomo dialectic areas. Keeping the same southeasterly direction the boundary probably runs from here along the ridge between Jerusalem Valley and Morgan Valley creeks, crosses the latter near the confluence of the two, and thence, passing through the hills to the east of Jerusalem Valley creek, crosses Putah creek at a point about five miles east of Guenoc. >From here it continues for a short distance in a southeasterly direction and then, turning in a southwesterly direction, it runs to a point probably about eight miles northeast of Mt. St. Helena. The small territory of the Northern Moquelumnan dialectic group lies west of this portion of the boundary. At this point the boundary turns again in a southeasterly direction, passes probably about three miles east of Pope valley, and then probably along the divide separating the drainage of Napa river from that of Putah creek to a point about east-northeast of Napa City, where it turns in a westerly direction, crossing Napa valley just north of Napa City, the limit here being given as tide-water on Napa river, and runs probably to the low divide separating Napa and Sonoma valleys, throughout all of which course it separates the Wintun territory from that of the Yukian Wappo. From here the boundary probably runs down this divide to the northern shore of San Pablo bay,There are conflicting statements concerning the Wintun-Moquelumnan interstock boundary in the vicinity of Napa valley. One informant, a Moquelumnan woman, who lived during the greater part of her early life at San Rafael Mission, says that the Wintun held the territory as far west as the range of low hills west of Sonoma creek, and gives a vocabulary of the language of a former husband who, she says, was born at a village near Sonoma and taken when a boy to Dolores mission at San Francisco. The vocabulary is clearly Wintun. The informant's knowledge, however, is of a time subsequent to the founding of the Sonoma and San Rafael missions and it is not at all unlikely that the Wintun occupation of Sonoma valley dates only as far back as the bringing of the Indians to the missions by the Franciscan Fathers. The statement made by Gibbs (op. cit., III, 421) that "the lower part of Napa valley, and the country around the straits of Karquinez, were said to have been occupied by another tribe" than that in Sonoma valley, indicates that he obtained information to the effect that the Wintun territory did not extend farther west than Napa valley. The statement made by Taylor (Cal. Farmer, Mar. 30, 1860), on the other hand, that "the Sonomos or Sonomis spoke a similar dialect as the Suisuns or Soo-i-soo-nes, would indicate that the region of Sonoma was held by the Wintun. However, the information upon which the statements of both Gibbs and Taylor are based is, like that obtained in the present case from the Moquelumnan informant above mentioned, of a time subsequent to the establishment of the Missions in this region, and is therefore subject to the same doubt. While the Moquelumnan informant above mentioned places Sonoma valley in the Wintun territory, some other informants place not only Sonoma valley but also Napa valley within the limits of the Moquelumnan territory. It is a noteworthy fact that although the Indian informants differ as to the language spoken in these two valleys, they all agree in saying that the same language was spoken in both. Nevertheless, owing to the disagreement both among present Indian informants and among early writers upon this region, it seems advisable to leave the boundary, for the present at least, as located above, on the ridge between the two valleys, which location is the same as that given on the earlier maps of this region. the Southern Moquelumnan

― 287 ―

dialectic area adjoining this portion of the Wintun territory on the west. So far as can be determined the southern boundary of the Wintun territory was the northern shore of San Pablo bay and the lower course of the Sacramento river, while the eastern boundary of the portion of the Wintun territory under consideration was also the Sacramento river.The Northeastern Pomo dialectic area, the Northern Moquelumnan dialectic area, and the portion of the Yukian-Wappo area occupying Napa valley south of the town of Calistoga, have heretofore been regarded as belonging to the Wintun territory. These are, however, portions of the territories of the stocks mentioned. The Wintun territory in these regions is thus somewhat smaller than formerly supposed. These facts were noted in the American Anthropologist, n.s., VI, pp. 189, 190, 1904 and V, p. 730, 1903.

On the west this large area is contiguous to the dialectic areas of three different linguistic stocks: the Yuki proper, the Northeastern, Eastern, and Southeastern Pomo, the Northern Moquelumnan, the Yukian Wappo, and the Southern Moquelumnan areas. To the south across San Pablo bay and the lower course of the Sacramento river lies Costanoan territory, while that lying across the Sacramento river to the east was held by the Maidu. Owing to the very early settlement of the region and the consequent disappearance of the Indians it is impossible to say to just what limits the territories of the various stocks occupying the lower courses of the Sacramento and the San Joaquin extended, but it seems probable that in addition to the contact of the Maidu and Costanoan territories above mentioned there was, at the extreme southeastern corner of the Wintun territory, a very short

― 288 ―

line along which the territory of the Yokuts adjoined it and also, in the same region, a still more slight contact of the Miwok or main Moquelumnan territory with it.

General Description.

The portion of the Wintun territory under consideration comprises, roughly speaking, the southern half of that part of the Sacramento drainage lying west of the Sacramento river, and reaches from the river to the crest of the Coast Range mountains. The western part of this area lies entirely among the mountains of this range which in some parts, particularly toward the north, reaches very considerable altitudes, certain peaks being covered with snow until far into the summer. Throughout these mountains and the lower foothills to the east there are many streams, the valleys along which were formerly inhabited. The principal streams are Big Stony, Cache, and Putah creeks, while there are also many smaller streams, some tributary to these and some flowing independently of them. Along these streams there are many more or less spacious valleys affording excellent sites for Indian villages. The eastern part of the area under consideration, that part lying east of the foothills, is a level plain, in some places so low as to be below the level of the Sacramento river. In many places, particularly along the immediate bank of the river, there are large areas of tule or alkaline marsh into which the majority of the streams from the mountains debouch. The presence of these marshes, together with the unbearable heat of the summer made the region along the immediate river bank very undesirable for habitation, and it appears that the Indians preferred usually to live in, or at least near, the foothills.

These marshes, however, had their advantage in that during the winter months they were the haunts of great numbers of water birds: geese and ducks of all kinds, as well as swans and other rarer species. This circumstance was the means of bringing many of the Indians from the mountain region over into the plain itself during the winter months for the purpose of hunting. The usual wild game such as bear, elk, deer, and smaller animals was abundant in the foothills and mountains, while acorns and the

― 289 ―

seeds of various grasses and flowering plants were found almost everywhere.

This extensive area is divided between two dialects, which for present purposes it will be convenient to call NortherlySee note 428. and Southerly.It has been possible to obtain only a limited vocabulary of the Northerly dialect, but from the material at hand it appears that the Northerly differs very considerably from the Southerly, and it is to be assumed that the dialect or dialects spoken still farther to the north are still more different from the Southerly dialect. It appears (Professor A. L. Kroeber, Amer. Anthr. n.s., VIII, 655, 1906) that there are three principal Wintun dialects or dialectic groups: one in Glenn and Tehama counties, one to the north and one to the south. These would naturally be designated as Northern, Central, and Southern. The Central dialectic group is the one designated in the present paper as the Northerly of the two under consideration. Only the extreme western portion of the boundary between these two dialectic areas could be determined. It was found that, starting from the Pomo-Wintun interstock boundary near the point where it crosses Big Stony creek, this line crossing Big Stony creek at the confluence of Big and Little Stony creeks, passes eastward for an indefinite distance. It has been only provisionally drawn on the accompanying maps, where it is made to pass directly eastward to the eastern boundary of the stock at the Sacramento river.

Northerly Dialect.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Grindstone Rancheria, on the north bank of Grindstone creek at its confluence with Stony creek. The village consists of four houses with about sixteen inhabitants. There is here also a large dance-house which is now in use, especially during the winter months.

Bridgeport. There are a few Indians living at Bridgeport on the east bank of Stony creek at a point about a mile and a half down stream from the town of Elk creek.It was impossible to ascertain the number of Indians living here, as all were absent when the site was visited. This is also an old village site.

There is a single house with four inhabitants on the ridge immediately west of Stony creek at a point about eight miles north of the town of Stonyford.

― 290 ―

Old Village Sites.

kala'iel, at the town of Newville at the northern extremity of the area under consideration.

There is the site of an old village, the name of which could not be obtained, at Bridgeport on the east bank of Stony creek at a point about a mile and a half north of the town of Elk creek. This site is still inhabited.

tolo'kai, at the town of Elk creek at the confluence of Elk creek with Stony creek.

tō'ba, at the confluence of Brisco creek with Stony creek. This site is on what is known as the Hansen ranch.

da'tcimtcīni, at a point a short distance west of Stony creek and about four miles up stream from the town of Elk creek. This site is located on what is known as the Troxel ranch.

ca'ipetel, on the west bank of Big Stony creek near the confluence of Little Stony creek with it. This site is on the ranch of Mr. Joseph Mall.

Southerly Dialect.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

dīhī'laLabe, from dī'hī, village, la, place, and La'be, there, on the northeast bank of Cache creek at a point about a mile and a half nearly due north of the town of Rumsey in Capay valley. This village consists of six houses and about twenty inhabitants, some of whom claim this immediate vicinity as their old home while others have more recently moved here from the Sacramento river about Colusa and northward. This village was formerly located at a point about half a mile farther up stream on the same side of the creek. It was known by this same name at that time as well.

Let, ground squirrel, at a point about two miles and a half west of the old village of mōnma'La upon the site of which stands the ranch house on what is known as the Smith Eakle ranch in the lower part of Cortina valley. This village is located in the hills near the north bank of a small stream flowing into Cortina creek, and consists of five houses and about thirty inhabitants. There is here also a large dance-house where dances are frequently

― 291 ―

held, this being one of the very few places within the area under consideration in which some of the old ceremonial customs may yet be found.

Cache Creek Ridge Rancheria, on the slope of the ridge immediately west of Bartlett creek, and at a point about a quarter of a mile from the creek, and about a mile and a half south of the confluence of Long Valley creek with it. The village consists of five houses and about sixteen inhabitants, who formerly lived at the village at the head of Long Valley creek, but in 1901 moved to the present village which is situated on land belonging to them. There is here a small dance-house erected in 1902; but owing to the death of the old medicine-man who caused its erection and had charge of it, it was closed in the summer of 1903.

Cache Creek Rancheria or te'btī, at the confluence of Bartlett and Long Valley creeks. This village consists of six houses and about thirteen inhabitants, some of whom came from the old village situated on the main stream of Cache creek at a point about a mile and a half down stream from the mouth of Bartlett creek. A few hundred yards down the creek from this place is the site of a former village bearing the same name.

Long Valley Rancheria, at the head of Long valley on Long Valley creek. This village consists of three houses and about ten inhabitants. The Indians of this village, as also those living down the creek in Cortina and Capay valleys, gave lo'l-la, tobacco place, as the name of Long valley and vicinity, and lo'l-sel, tobacco people, as the name applied to the people of this vicinity, which agrees substantially with Powers, who says,Tribes of Cal., p. 219. "In Long valley are the Lol-sel, or Lold-la; lol denotes `Indian Tobacco,' and sel is a locative ending; hence the name means `Indian tobacco place,' applied first to the valley and then to the people in it." Powers seems to have obtained an incorrect translation for the ending sel, which, as above stated, signifies people. The name given to this vicinity by the Eastern Pomo is na'wek or na'wik, which is undoubtedly the source of Slocum, Bowen and Company's "Now-wa-ke-nah" of whom they say,Op. cit., Lake Co., p. 36. "The Now-wa-ke-nah tribe lived in Long valley and their number was one hundred

― 292 ―

and twenty. There are probably thirty of them left. Li-e-ta was their chief." They also stateIbid. that the people living in the extreme lower end of Long valley were called "Kai-nap-o," which is very likely, since the name given to Cache creek by the Eastern Pomo is xa'i-napō-bīdame, wood village creek. This name, spelled "Khainapo" is also given by PurdyLand of Sunshine, XV, 444, 1901. as the name of the Cache creek people. The name given to Cache creek by the people living in the vicinity of Long valley is tce'npabe, tcen signifying down or low.

Hipher's Creek Rancheria, on Hipher's creek at a point about two and a half miles south of the town of Stonyford. It consists of four houses and about twelve inhabitants. In addition to the dwellings there is here a large dance-house which was built very recently. Dances are held here frequently during the winter.

A family of three Indians have a house on the west bank of Indian creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile south of its confluence with Little Stony creek. This is directly across the creek from what is known as the Mt. Hope school-house. There is here also a small sudatory.

kaba'lmem, Gather Rancheria, or Hennekey's, on the head-waters of Indian creek at a point about six miles northwest of the town of Leesville. This village consists of six houses and about twelve inhabitants, and is located on the Hennekey ranch.

At a point about a mile southwest of the town of Sites there are two houses with three inhabitants.

Old Village Sites.

One of the first sections of the region north of San Francisco bay visited by the Franciscan missionaries was the southern part of the Wintun territory, with the result that virtually all of the Indians from the extreme southern part of that section were early induced to move to the missions. It has therefore been impossible to obtain very much explicit information concerning this southern section, as the few Indians left in Capay and Cortina valleys came originally from these places or still farther north. Owing to the very limited time spent with these people,

― 293 ―

the information concerning even the region this far north is by no means complete. There is no reason to believe, however, that the whole Wintun area was not very thickly populated prior to the Mexican and American occupations, and a more extended investigation of the central and northern parts of this area, about which information is still obtainable, will undoubtedly show many more village sites than are at present known.

sû'skōl, on the east bank of Napa river probably at or near the present town of Suscol, which derives its name from the old Indian term. The Indians of this village are probably the ones referred to by MenefeeSee note 308. by the name Susol.

tū'lūka, or tū'lūkai, from tū'lūka, red, near the Napa State Hospital about two and one-half miles southeast of Napa City. In speaking of the Indians of Napa valley TaylorCal. Farmer, Mar. 30, 1860. says, "Below the town of Napa live the Tulkays," which evidently refers to the people of this village, as does also Menefee's name "Ulucas."See note 308. BancroftNative Races, I, 363, 452. mentions both of these as if names of separate villages, and it is possible that his "Tyugas," who, upon the authority of Taylor, he says "inhabited the vicinity of Clear lake and the mountains of Lake and Mendocino counties"Ibid, p. 451. are the same people, as also those referred to by PowersTribes of Cal., p. 228. when he says, under the head of "Re-ho," "This was one name of the tribe in Pope valley, derived from a chief. They were also called by the Patwin Tu-lo-kai-di-sel." The name has been preserved in Tulucay rancho, an old Mexican grant of two square leagues of land lying east of Napa City.

tcīme'nûkme, at Napa City.The name Napa is said my Menefee (op. cit., p. 19) to be an Indian word signifying fish, but no such word has been found in the Wintun, Wappo or Moquelumnan languages. The word is used, however, by the Pomo as the name of the detachable points of the aboriginal fish gig or harpoon, and it is possible that this is the origin of the word now used as the name of the town and river, though no direct evidence to this effect was obtained from informants.

yū'lyūl, about two miles south of Suisun City.

hesa'ia, at Suisun City. This may be the same village referred to by a Yukian Wappo informant as he'lepnōmanō and

― 294 ―

said to have been located only a very short distance north of Suisun City.

lī'wai, waving, at the town of Winters on the north bank of Putah creek. The same name was also applied to Putah creek, at least along its lower course. PowersTribes of Cal., p. 218. gives "Li-wai'-to" as the name of a people living "on Putah creek at the foot-hills," at the same time noting that the aboriginal name of Putah creek was "Li-wai'." This also is probably the origin of the name "Linayto or Libayto" given by EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 451. in his list of the Indians at Sonoma mission.

kū'ndihi, on the north bank of Putah creek at a point probably about eight miles up stream from the town of Winters.

tōpa'idihī, from tōpa'i, a word said by the Capay valley Wintun to come from the language of the people about Napa, its significance being unknown to them, and dī'hī, village. This village was very indefinitely located by the informant as on the west bank of Putah creek at a point about twenty miles up stream from the town of Winters. PowersTribes of Cal., p. 219. gives "To-pai'-di-sel" as the name of the people living in Berryessa valley and it seems very probable that this is correct. The site has therefore been provisionally located on the map near Monticello.

yō'dōi, probably at Knight's Landing on the west bank of the Sacramento river, although one informant placed it at a point about four miles west of that place. The significance of this name was unknown to the informants questioned. Miss Kathryn SimmonsWoodland Daily Democrat, February 16, 1906. writing from information furnished by early settlers of Yolo county, says that the "Yodos . . . . occupied the region in and about Knight's Landing, and their chief, Yodo, is well remembered by old settlers." The name Yolo is said to have originated from this Indian word.

pūlū'pūlūLabe, about three miles north of Woodland and but a short distance south of Cache creek.

tcū'rūpLabe, at the old town of Cacheville, now called Yolo.

katcitūlīLabe, about four miles southwest of Yolo.

mōsō', in the northern part of the town of Capay. No exact

― 295 ―

translation could be obtained for this name, but it was said to refer to the fact that the people of this village painted about their mouths with black paint at times of dances.

kī'sī, indefinitely located at a point probably about two miles a little north of west of the town of Tancred.

īmī'lLabe, from īmī'l, blackberry, and La'be, there, about one mile south of Guinda.

tū'bī, near the west end of the bridge across Cache creek north of Rumsey.

sī'tca, at the east end of the bridge across Cache creek north of Rumsey. This site is just north of the wagon road at this point and is now covered by an orchard.

dīhī'laLabe, from dī'hī, village, la, place, La'be, there, on the northeast bank of Cache creek at a point about half a mile up stream from the present village of the Capay valley Indians north of Rumsey. This site was occupied until a few years ago when the Indians moved, at the request of the owner of the land to the present village. The same name is now applied to the present village.

Lo'pa, indefinitely located at a point probably about three miles west of Rumsey and about one mile south of Cache creek.

te'btī, indefinitely located at a point probably about three and one-half miles west-northwest of Rumsey and near the south bank of Cache creek. This village bears the same name as the old village at the confluence of Long valley and Bartlett creeks.

On the south bank of Cache creek, at a point about a mile and a half from the confluence of Bartlett creek with it, is the site of an old village the name of which was not learned, which was inhabited for some time after the coming of white settlers. Some of the former inhabitants of this village now live at the Cache creek rancheria, at the confluence of Long valley and Bartlett creeks.

hō'lō'kōme, on the east bank of Bartlett creek at a point rather indefinitely located as about two and a half miles up stream from the confluence of Bartlett creek with Cache creek.

tō'ktī, near the west bank of Bartlett creek at a point about opposite the present Cache Creek Ridge rancheria which is back on the ridge a short distance west of the creek.

― 296 ―

te'btī, at the confluence of Bartlett and Long Valley creeks, at a point a few hundred yards down stream from the present Cache Creek rancheria which also bears the same Indian name. There is another old village bearing this same name farther down Cache creek and near the point where Bear creek empties into it.

sūkū', possibly from sūkūi, a kind of seed, in the southern end of Bear valley on Bear creek at a point about eight and one-half miles south of the town of Leesville. This site is near the ranch house on what is known as the Ingrham ranch.

mōnma'La, from mōn, madroña (both tree and berries), ma'La, to bake, where the ranch house on what is known as the Smith Eakle ranch in Cortina valley stands. This ranch is in the lower end of what is called Cortina valley, which lies along the upper course of Cortina creek.

tō'idihī, from tō'i, top, and dī'hī, village, at a point about a quarter of a mile south-southwest of mōnma'La.

ūlī'Labe, just west of tō'idihī, and only about half a mile southwest of mōnm'La.

Līla'dihī, about a mile east of the present village of Let in Cortina valley.

baka'kLabe, about half a mile east of Let, the present Cortina valley village.

tcō'tcī, on the east bank of Cortina creek at a point about a quarter of a mile north of the bridge which crosses the creek near the ranch house on what is known as the Jean Vann ranch, now occupied by Joseph Mahhas.

kedi'rLabe, at the ranch house on the Jean Vann ranch, now occupied by Joseph Mahhas.

waika'ū, near the west bank of Cortina creek at the old ranch house on what is known as the "old" Brasfield place, now owned by Mr. R. B. Armstrong. The people who occupied this site are said to have come originally from near Sites.

ha'me, on the west bank of Cortina creek at a point about a quarter of a mile south of waika'ū.

kōtī'na, named from a former captain or chief, near the east bank of Cortina creek on what is known as the "old" Robert Williams place at a point about half a mile south of the house

― 297 ―

now occupied by Mr. A. L. Koessell. It is from this that Cortina valley and the three Cortina creeks take their name.

tō'pLabe, at a point probably about five miles north-northwest of the town of Sites.

ta'waisak (Northern Pomo dialect name), on the east bank of Little Stony creek at a point about two miles south of the confluence of Little and Big Stony creeks.

pa'kaLabe, on the low ridge between Little Stony and Indian creeks at their junction. When visited there were the remains of several large dance-house pits at this site.

mītca'wicLabe, on the east bank of Little Stony creek at a point about four miles southwest of the confluence of Indian creek with it.

kūla'Labe, on the east bank of Little Stony creek at a point about five and one-half miles southwest of the confluence of Indian creek with it.

edī'Labe, on the west bank of Indian creek at a point about three miles south of its confluence with Little Stony creek.

mī'dūcLabe, on the west bank of Indian creek opposite the post office of Lodoga at a point about four miles south of the confluence of Indian and Little Stony creeks.

tcūhelme'mLabe, on the west bank of Indian creek at a point about five miles and a half south of its confluence with Little Stony creek. The ranch house on the Hennekey ranch now stands on this site. The informants said that they could not translate the word tcūhe'l. It is noteworthy, however, that this word is found in the Northerly Wintun dialect and there signifies sand, tī'ki, an entirely different word, being used in the Southerly dialect. The remaining parts of this name, mem and La'be, signify water and place respectively.

pūkū'mLabe, near Cook's Springs at the head of Indian creek.

ū'lak, at a point about a mile northwest of the extreme head of Indian creek. This site is on the ranch of Mr. William Lovelady.

Old Camp Sites.

kūna'wi, indefinitely located at a point probably about three miles northwest of Tancred and about one mile north-northwest of the old village of kī'sī.

― 298 ―

Sites Not Mentioned by Indians.

In the vicinity of Winters on the lower course of Putah creek there are a number of old village sites. The information concerning these old sites was obtained chiefly from Mr. Joseph Wolfskill, an old resident of Winters and a descendant of one of the first settlers of the Wolfskill grant. This grant, a large tract of land along Putah creek, was granted to Mr. William Wolfskill in 1840 and was occupied by his brother Mr. John R. Wolfskill about 1842. At the time of the latter's arrival here there were no Indians at all living along Putah creek, at least in this vicinity, having all been removed to the missions about San Francisco Bay by the Franciscan Fathers some years before. The first Indians to come into the neighborhood were some refugees from the mines in the Sierra Nevada mountains. A year or so after Mr. Wolfskill's arrival, he saw coming across the plains northeast of Winters a single Indian who, when he arrived, said that his people had become exhausted on the plains from their long and hard journey and that he had started for the creek to bring water to revive them. Mr. Wolfskill told the Indian to bring his people to his camp and that there they should be provided with food and shelter.

Mr. Wolfskill's camp was a tule house on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about four miles up stream from Winters and about three hundred yards west of the present residence of Mrs. M. A. H. Wolfskill. The Indians having been fed and well treated by Mr. Wolfskill told him that their old home was in this vicinity and asked that they might be permitted to go to Sonoma mission and return with their families and live upon his premises. This request Mr. Wolfskill very gladly granted with the result that in a short time a village or rancheria of considerable size was established immediately about his camp. Not long after the establishment of this village three other villages were established, one on the north bank of Putah creek almost directly opposite this village. This, however, was only a temporary village. Another and more permanent village was established on the property now owned by Mr. John Coop on the north bank of Putah creek at a point a mile and a half north-northwest of the first site. Mr. Joseph Wolfskill, who knew the Indians of this

― 299 ―

village intimately, says that they spoke a language quite different from those of the village already mentioned on the south bank of the creek, but it was impossible to determine anything concerning the exact differences between the languages. It is evident, however, from the few words remembered by Mr. Wolfskill that the people of the village on the south bank of the creek were Wintun. The third village was located on the property of Mr. J. E. Sackett on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about two and a half miles northwest of Mr. Wolfskill's camp. In addition to these villages there was another temporary village established at a point about four hundred yards down stream from the village at Mr. Wolfskill's camp. This, however, was temporary and was in all particulars practically a part of the main village near by.

In addition to these villages, occupied since the settlement of this vicinity, there are a number of older sites which were occupied before the Indians were removed to the missions. One of these is located on the Smeisner ranch on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about five miles east of Winters. Mr. Joseph Wolfskill, who mentioned this site, says that there is here a very well preserved dance-house pit as well as other evidences of an old village site. Another one of these old sites is located just across the river from the town of Winters, the residence of Mr. Wm. Baker now occupying a portion of it. The first residence built here was an adobe built by Mr. Matthew Wolfskill about 1856. At that time there was a large dance-house pit here which he filled in in order to make a foundation for his house, and an Indian who worked for him at the time said that this site was inhabited within his memory. A third site is located on the property of Colonel Taylor on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about a mile and a quarter southwest of Winters. This site is located in an orchard to the north of the county road, but there is still visible here a depression where a dance-house formerly stood. This was evidently a large village extending toward the east some distance along the creek. At a point about two miles and a half southwest of Winters and on the property of Mrs. M. A. H. Wolfskill is the site of still another old village. There are at present practically no visible signs of this village owing to the fact that the field in which it was situated has been

― 300 ―

cultivated for many years. Old residents say, however, that there were formerly a number of dance-house pits and various other evidences of an old village here. At a point about five miles from Winters and about a mile southwest of the more recent old village first mentioned, is the site of an old village about which little could be learned, it not having been inhabited at all recently. Still another old site, about which little could be learned, is located about five miles southwest of Winters and about a mile southeast of the last.

On the west bank of Cache creek at a point about half a mile northwest of the town of Tancred is the site of an old village which, so far as could be learned, was formerly quite extensive.

On the east bank of Long Valley creek at a point about four and a half miles up stream from its confluence with Bartlett creek is the site of an old village which, according to the oldest settler of this valley, had a population of about two hundred, thirty years ago, and was abandoned about twenty years ago. The remains of several large dance-house pits are plainly visible here at present.

― 301 ―

Moquelumnan.

The Moquelumnan or Miwok stock as at present determined occupies three separate, more or less isolated areas. Two of these, with which the present paper has to deal, are comparatively small and are situated north of San Francisco bay. The third or main area is much larger and is situated in the Sierra Nevada mountains east of San Joaquin river. To the inhabitants of this last named area PowersTribes of California, p. 346, 347. He first spelled the name Meewoc in Overland Monthly, April, 1873, p. 322. gave the name Miwok, a name which they applied to themselves. He says, "north of the Stanislaus they call themselves mi'-wok (`men or people'); south of it to the Merced, mi'-wa; south of that to the Fresno, mi'-wi." Following Powers, Miwok has been and is now used quite generally to designate this particular branch of the family, and by some it is used synonymously with Moquelumnan as the name of the entire stock. On the map accompanying Powers' volume, however, neither of these terms appear; instead Mutsun, a term derived from the name of a Costanoan village near San Juan Bautista Mission, is given as the stock name of a people inhabiting not only the area under consideration but also the entire territory westward to the ocean, along which it extended from the entrance to Tomales bay on the north to a point some distance south of Monterey bay on the south, thus including correctly the detached Moquelumnan area immediately north of San Francisco bay, and incorrectly the territory of the Costanoan and the northern part of the Yokuts area. Powell, however, on the map accompanying his "Indian Linguistic Families," corrects in a great measure these errors of territorial limits, and adopts Moquelumnan as the stock name. The name Moquelumnan as applied to a linguistic family is due to Dr. R. G. Latham, who in 1856 proposed Moquelumne as a name for a group of languages spoken over a roughly defined area. He says,Trans. Philol. Soc., London, 1856, p. 81; El. Comp. Phil., p. 414. "Hale's vocabulary of the Talatui belongs to the group for which the name Moquelumne is proposed,

― 302 ―

a Moquelumne Hill (in Calaveras county) and a Moquelumne River being found within the area over which the languages belonging to it are spoken. Again, the names of the tribes that speak them end in—mne, Chupumne, etc." The name received its present form from PowellInd. Ling. Fam., p. 92. according to his principles of nomenclature, but it has also been spelled in various other ways: Mokalumne, Mokelumnees, Mukelemnes, Mukeemnes, and Muthelemnes.Bancroft, Native Races, I, 450, 451. As to the origin of the name Powers says, "On the upper Merced the word `river' is wa-ka'l-la; on the Upper Tuolumne, wa-kal-u-mi; on the Stanislaus and Moquelumne, wa-ka'l-u-mi-toh. This is undoubtedly the origin of the word `Mokelumne,' which is locally pronounced mo-ka'l-u-my." As has been previously stated, the term Miwok was adopted by Powers as the name of the people of the main Moquelumnan area for the reason, as he states, that it is a term used by themselves as a name. This, however, is not true of the three dialects of the family located north of San Francisco bay, and therefore can not be urged as a reason for including them under that name. Furthermore, in view of the fact that the term Miwok has come quite generally into use as the designation of the particular portion of the family east of San Joaquin river, confusion will probably be avoided by still restricting it to that area and using the more cumbersome, though at present generally accepted, term Moquelumnan to designate the entire linguistic family.

As has been stated there are in the region north of San Francisco bay two areas occupied by people of the Moquelumnan family, and thus forming islands, as it were, separated by considerable distances from the main area of the stock which lies east of San Joaquin river. The larger of these two detached areas is situated immediately north of San Francisco bay and covers nearly all of Marin county together with the southern part of Sonoma and probably a very small portion of Napa counties. Within this area there are people speaking two slightly different dialects, the Western or Bodega, occupying only the territory immediately adjacent to the shores of Bodega bay; and the Southern or Marin, occupying the remainder of the territory.

― 303 ―

The second of the two isolated areas is occupied by people speaking a single dialect, the Northern or Lake, and lies on the headwaters of Putah creek and in the valley at the southern extremity of Lower lake (the southernmost arm of Clear lake) thus forming an isolated area about forty miles north of the Southern dialectic area.The Northern or Lake Moquelumnan dialectic area has heretofore been regarded as Wintun and it is so designated on the linguistic map accompanying Powers' "Tribes of California." In the course of the present investigation, however, it was found that this area is inhabited by a people speaking a Moquelumnan dialect, closely related to, though quite distinct from, the Southern and Western dialects immediately north of San Francisco bay. Powers in speaking of the Wintun, says: "In the head of Napa valley were the Wappo, and in Pope and Coyote valleys there was spoken a language now nearly, if not quite, extinct." This statement would seem to have been based on indefinite information concerning the Coyote valley language, but the area is included within the limits of the Wintun territory on the map accompanying his work. The fact that this area is occupied by a people speaking a Moquelumnan dialect was noted in the American Anthropologist, n.s., V, p. 730, 1903.

Western Dialect.

Boundaries.

Beginning on the coast at the mouth of Salmon creek, about three miles north of Bodega Head, the boundary of the Western or Bodega Moquelumnan dialectic area runs in a general easterly direction, following the course of Salmon creek, to a point about a mile southwest of the town of Freestone. Here it turns southward and runs to the town of Valleyford, where it turns southwestward and runs down the Estero Americano or Valleyford creek to the coast. The western boundary is the shore-line of the ocean.

This very small area is contiguous on the north to the Southwestern and Southern Pomo dialectic areas, and on the east and south to the Southern Moquelumnan area, while to the west lies the ocean.

General Description.

Along this section of the coast the mountains are very low and there are considerable areas of open land along the ocean. There is a sand beach stretching along almost the entire length of the shore-line within the Western dialectic area and it was along this beach that the principal villages were located, particularly about the shores of Bodega bay. Here were excellent

― 304 ―

fishing places, and clams were abundant around the bay. The shell of one species of clam, found abundantly here, and said by the Indians to be found nowhere else along the coast, furnishes the material for the white clam-shell beads of this entire region and was formerly traded to the neighboring peoples, especially the Pomo, among whom, according to the Indians, the art of bead making was most perfected. In addition to the coast villages there were villages in the small valley about Bodega Corners, and there were numerous places in the hills where camps were made during the seasons of food gathering.

The former inhabitants of this dialectic area are almost entirely gone, there being not more than four or five full-bloods left. These live at the mouth of Russian river.

Old Village Sites.

Out on the sand spit which, on the south, shuts off Bodega bay from the ocean, is the site of an old village the name of which could not be learned. This village has probably not been inhabited for thirty-five or forty years.

hīmeta'gala, from hī'me, shell fragments, and ta'gala, high, on the mesa at the southeastern extremity of Bodega bay.

helapa'ttai, on the northeastern shore of Bodega bay at a point about two miles from the entrance to the bay. This site is just south of Jinancy's store and landing.

hota'kala, from hota'kala, up the hill, on the northeastern shore of Bodega bay at a point nearly due north of the entrance to the bay. It is about a quarter of a mile north of Jinancy's store and landing.

tō'kaū, from tō'kaū, small bone whistle, on the western shore of Bodega bay at a point almost due east of Bodega Head. Bodega bay is cut off from the ocean on the west by a low rocky peninsula. The bay shore on the inner or eastern side of this peninsula is a sandy beach which is backed for a considerable distance, especially in the northern part, by sand dunes. It is on this shore of the bay at a point about a mile from the southern extremity of the peninsula that tō'kaū was situated.

ke'nnekōnō, at the town of Bodega Corners.

sū'wūtene, from sū'wū, pocket gopher, and te'ne, chest, on the

― 305 ―

Captain Smith ranch, known also as the Adobe ranch, about one mile north of the town of Bodega Corners.

Old Camp Sites.

lakkenhū'īye, from la'kken, a gap between two hills, and hū'īye, point, on the western shore of the northern extremity of Bodega bay.

taūwakpū'lok, from taū'wak, shoulder, and pū'lok, pond or lake, on the shore of a small pond which lies about three-quarters of a mile north of the northern shore of Bodega bay.

Southern Dialect.

Boundaries.

Beginning on the coast at the mouth of the Estero Americano or Valleyford creek, the boundary of the Southern or Marin Moquelumnan dialectic area follows the course of that stream to the town of Valleyford. Here it turns northward and runs to Salmon creek which it strikes at a point about a mile southwest of the town of Freestone. This portion of the boundary separates the Southern from the very small Western dialectic area. It then follows Salmon creek to a point about a mile and a half north of the town of Freestone. Here it turns in an easterly direction, running through the range of low hills between Freestone and Sebastopol and then along the water-shed separating the Russian river and San Pablo bay drainages,See note 107. to a point between the headwaters of Sonoma and Santa Rosa creeks. This portion of the boundary separates the Southern Moquelumnan from the Southern Pomo area. From here, turning in a general southeasterly direction, the boundary passes just north of Glen Ellen and runs probably to the ridge separating the drainage of Sonoma creek from that of Napa river, throughout which course it separates the Southern Moquelumnan and the Yukian Wappo areas. It probably then passes in a southerly direction down this ridge to the northern shore of San Pablo bay,See note 101. thus separating Moquelumnan from Wintun territory. The remainder of the

― 306 ―

eastern boundary of this area is the shore of San Pablo and San Francisco bays as far as to the Golden Gate. The western boundary is the shore-line of the ocean.

North of the Southern Moquelumnan dialectic area lie the Western Moquelumnan, the Southern Pomo and the Yukian Wappo areas; and on the east are Southerly Wintun territory, and San Pablo and San Francisco bays. On the west it extends to the ocean except at the northwestern extremity where the Western Moquelumnan dialectic area adjoins it.

General Description.

The natural divisions of this area may be designated as the coast region, comprising all of the drainage along the immediate coast-line of the ocean, and the valley region, comprising all the drainage of San Pablo and San Francisco bays included within the limits of this dialectic area. The immediate shore-line of the ocean is formed by high cliffs, while the country for several miles back consists of a range of hills and mountains of heights varying from that of the low hills in the northern part of the area to 2592 feet on Mt. Tamalpais just north of the Golden Gate. This comparatively low range separates the coast and valley regions. The two chief portions of the latter, lying respectively along Petaluma and Sonoma creeks, are separated from each other only by a range of very low open hills. Petaluma valley is a broad open valley and forms a continuous plain with Santa Rosa valley immediately north of it along the lower course of Russian river, the two valleys being separated only by an almost imperceptible swell which forms the water-shed between Russian river and the streams which drain into San Pablo bay. Between Petaluma and the Golden Gate there are several smaller valleys. The area is only sparsely wooded, particularly in Petaluma and Sonoma valleys and the surrounding hills; but there were in former times enough oaks to furnish sufficient acorns to form, together with the seeds of the grasses of the open country, the vegetable foods of the people. The ocean furnished fish and molluscs, particularly in and about Tomales bay, and game of all kinds was formerly abundant in the hills. There is no definite knowledge obtainable concerning fishing and other rights on the

― 307 ―

waters of San Francisco and San Pablo bays, but from all that can be gathered it seems probable that these were neutral grounds and that the Indians of the region all had equal rights in these waters off shore. So far as can be learned none of the islands of San Francisco bay were permanently inhabited.

Coast Division.

There are at present only about six full-blood Indians speaking this dialect. They lived formerly about the town of Marshall on Tomales bay and for a number of years prior to 1904 made their home on a ranch near Bodega Corners, but are at present residing not far from Windsor in the Russian River valley.

Old Village Sites.

Owing to the fact that almost all of the former inhabitants of this area have disappeared and that the few who remain have been long removed from the old villages or were born at one of the missions and have, therefore, no first hand knowledge concerning the old villages, it has been unusually difficult to obtain accurate information, and so far it has been impossible to obtain full knowledge concerning the old sites.

At Bolinas bay is the site of an old village the name of which has been forgotten by the informant. According to another informant there are no old village sites along the coast-line from the town of Sausalito to Point Reyes (tamal-hūīye, bay point). This, however, seems very improbable. TaylorCal. Farmer, March 30, 1860, p. 50. says, "The Bollanos and Tamales, Tamallos, or Tamalanos, had rancherias on Reed's farm, Bollenos Bay, Tamales Bay, Punto de los Reyes and their vicinities, and probably as far up as Bodega Bay, . . ," and BancroftNative Races, III, 363. states that "on the ocean coast of Marin county were the Bolanos and Tamales."

ōlēmalō'ke, from ō'le, coyote, and lō'klō or l'okla, valley, near the town of Olema at the southern extremity of Tomales bay. Kostromitonow, who was for seven years director of the Russian colony at Fort Ross, says that the Indians of the vicinity of

― 308 ―

Bodega were known by the name "Olamentke,"K. E. von Baer und Gr. von Helmersen, Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Russischen Reiches, I, 80. which was, he says further,Ibid., p. 233. the name which they applied to themselves. BancroftNative Races, I, 449. and PowersTribes of Cal., p. 537. both mention this name upon the authority of Kostromitonow. EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 442. applies the name "Olemochoe" to San Antonio, but without giving any particulars as to the reference. It seems probable from the context, however, that the "Rancho Laguna de San Antonio" which was located southwest of Petaluma and about midway between that place and Tomales bay, is referred to, although there are also two creeks in this vicinity which bear the name: Arroyo San Antonio, and San Antonio creek. It is likely that the names Olamentke and Olemochoe, as also that of the present town of Olema, are derived from the name of the Indian village under consideration.

etcako'lūm, on the eastern shore of Tomales bay at a point about two miles south of the town of Marshalls.

cōtō'mkōwi, or sēklo'ke, on the eastern shore of TomalesIn the Moquelumnan ta'mal, a general term meaning bay, is undoubtedly to be found the source of various names in this vicinity which are now rendered Tomales, as follows: Tomales Point, Tomales bay, the town of Tomales, the rancho Balsa de Tomales, and the rancho Tomales y Baulines, as also Mount Tamalpais, which is an original Indian name for that mountain and is derived from ta'mal, bay, and pa'is, mountain. One informant speaking the Southern Moquelumnan dialect also gave the mountain the name pa'lemūs, but Tamalpais seems to have been the name most used by the Indians in former times. The change of ta'mal to tomales is probably due to Spanish influence. As before stated the Moquelumnan word ta'mal means bay, but this general term may be modified by terms of direction so as to designate a particular one, as, o'lōm-tamal, south bay, which is the name given to Tomales bay by the Indians living in the vicinity of Bodega bay. The word in various forms was used as the name of the Indians about Tomales and Bodega bays. Von Kotzebue (South Sea, III, 51) uses "Tamal," as do also Powers (Tribes of Cal., p. 195) and Engelhardt (op. cit., p. 451). Gibbs (Schoolcraft, III, 102) speaks of the "Tumalehnias", and Taylor (Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860) calls them "Tamales, Tamallos, or Tamalanos," while Bancroft (Native Races, I, 352) gives the names "Tomales, Tamales, Tamallos, and Tamalanos." There is, however, no information given as to the exact locations of any of the villages inhabited by the people spoken of by these authors and it is to be supposed that the terms were general and applied to the people of that portion of the coast region about Tomales bay rather than specifically to any certain villages. bay at a point a short distance south of the town of Tomales at the

― 309 ―

entrance to the bay. This is probably near the north bank of the Arroyo San Antonio, sometimes called Salmon creek.

ē'wapaiī, near the town of Valleyford.

oyē'yōmī, from ō'ye, coyote, and yō'mī, place, at the town of Freestone. The grammar school building at Freestone stands on this site. Olē'yōme, the name of one of the villages on Putah creek in the Northern dialectic area, is the same name with the dialectic change of y to l, and Engelhardt'sOp. cit., p. 451. "Oleomi," who were among the converts at Sonoma mission may have come from either of these villages.

paka'hūwē, on the site of the town known as Old Freestone. One informant speaking the Western Moquelumnan dialect gave potawaiyōak, from po'tola, white, and yōa, earth or ground, named because of white dust or rocks at the site, as the name of a village at or near Freestone.

Valley Division.

Old Village Sites.

awa'niwī, at San Rafael. This site is located in the northern part of town.

e'wū, at a point about three miles north of San Rafael.

cōtōmkō'tca, at a point four and a half miles north of San Rafael.

pūyū'kū, at a point about a mile south of the town of Ignacio. This village is said by another informant to have been located near Pacheco, a station on the North Shore railroad at a distance of about five miles southwest of Ignacio.

tcōke'ttce, at the foot of the low hills about half a mile south of the town of Novato. The vicinity of this village was early known as Novato, a term evidently derived from the Spanish colloquialism, novato or novata, signifying new or anything just begun. There were two Mexican land grants bearing this name, the Rancho Corte Madre de Novato and the Rancho de Novato, upon the second of which the later town of Novato was located.Dodge, Official Map of Marin County, California, 1892. The Indians of this vicinity seem also to have been known by the name of Novato.Engelhardt, op. cit., p. 442.

― 310 ―

ōlōmpō'llī, at a point about five miles a little east of south of the town of Petaluma. This was evidently an important village and is often mentioned by early writers. HittellHist. Cal., I, 496. in recounting the trip taken by the party sent out from San Francisco in 1823 to select a site for a new mission, says, "they crossed over to San Rafael and thence marched by way of a large Indian village called Olompali, to the neighborhood of what is now Petaluma." Bancroft,History of Cal., II, 331, note 19. upon the authority of Payeras, who wrote in 1818, says that "Olompali" was six leagues from San Rafael mission, and that the "Cañada de los Olompalies" was visible from a hill near the mission.Ibid., p. 331. EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 442. also speaks of this village, and von KotzebueSouth Sea, III, 51. mentions the "Guymen, Utschiun, Olumpali, Soclan, and Sonomi," and says of them that they "speak all one language; they are the most numerous of any in the mission of San Francisco." PowellOp. cit., p. 93. includes the "Olumpali" in his list of what he terms the Olamentke division of the Moquelumnan family.

wotōkī, on the west bank of Petaluma creek probably near what is known as Donahue's landing at a point about three miles and a half southeast of Petaluma.

melē'ya, on San Antonio creek at a point probably about three miles and a half west-southwest of Petaluma.

amaye'lle, on San Antonio creek at a point probably about five miles west-southwest of the town of Petaluma.

ē'tem, at the town of Petaluma.According to Thompson (Hist. of Sonoma County, p. 10) the Indian name of the site where Petaluma now stands was "Chocuali."

petalū'ma, from pe'ta, flat, and lū'ma, back, on a low hill east of Petaluma creek at a point probably about three and one-half miles a little north of east of the town of Petaluma. It would seem that this was a fairly large and important village. The hill, itself called petalū'ma, upon which the village was located, is a prominent feature of the landscape, and the name was given

― 311 ―

to a land grant, the Petaluma rancho,Bowers' Map of Sonoma County, 1882. comprising 66,622 acres and bounded by Sonoma and Petaluma creeks on the east and west respectively, thus including the hill petalū'ma and the broad plain adjacent. All circumstances tended toward the preservation of the name, and it is now found as the name of a town, a creek, a township and a school district. GibbsSchoolcraft, III, 101. mentions the "Petaluma valley" and TaylorCalifornia Farmer, March 30, 1860. speaks of "the Petalumas or the Yolhios" as a people who lived near the town of Petaluma, as does also Bancroft,Native Races, 1, 363. who, however, says, probably referring to the days of the missions, that they with several other peoples lived in Sonoma valley. BancroftIbid., p. 453. also mentions, quoting from old mission records, "Petlenum or Petaluma" as the name of one of the old rancherias, and EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 452. gives "Petaluma" in his list of the peoples at Sonoma mission. According to one informant tulē'yome, the name applied to a creek near this village site, was also applied to the village itself in addition to the name petalū'ma.

tutcaiye'lin, at a point about a mile northwest of the town of Petaluma.

tū'lme, at a point about three miles northwest of Petaluma.

sūsū'lī, at a point about four miles northwest of Petaluma.

payīne'tca, or dōna'ntō (Southern Pomo dialect name), indefinitely located at a point about ten miles northwest of Petaluma and about three and a half miles a little south of west of Cotati.

ūlī'yōmi, or atcamōtcō'tcawi (Southern Pomo dialect name), indefinitely located at a point probably about eleven miles northwest of Petaluma and about four miles west of Cotati.

kōta'tī, just north of the town of Cotati. The name of this village has been perpetuated in Cotate Rancho, and old Mexican land grant of 17,238 acresBowers' Map of Sonoma County, 1882. situated in the vicinity of where the town of Cotati now stands. Concerning this name ThompsonCentral Sonoma, p. 3, footnote.

― 312 ―

says, "Cotate is an Indian word, of which we have no definition. Cotate Peak is the original name of the crest near Santa Rosa, known as Taylor mountain."

hū'tci, near the plaza in the town of Sonoma. It is apparently from hū'tci that the old "Huichica Rancho,"The Huichica rancho is an old Mexican grant consisting of five and one-half square leagues of land southeast of Sonoma and southwest of Napa City. It was granted to Mr. Jacob P. Leese in two parts, one in 1841, the other in 1846.—Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Napa county, p. 51; Bowers' Map of Sonoma County, 1882. derived its name. This is probably, also, the village referred to by HittellHistory of Cal., I. 498. as the one upon the former site of which the Sonoma mission was built. Although with the founding of the mission in 1823 many Indians from the neighboring country were brought in to Sonoma,Concerning the Indians at Sonoma mission Engelhardt says: "The different tribes of Indians that furnished converts were the Aloquiomi, Atenomac, Conoma, Carquin, Canijolmano, Caymus, Chemoco, Chichoyoni, Chocuyem, Coyayomi or Joyayomi, Huiluc, Huymen, Lacatiut, Loaquiomi, Linayto or Libayto, Locnoma, Mayacma, Muticulmo, Malaca, Napato, Oleomi, Putto or Putato, Palnomanoc, Paque, Petaluma, Suisun, Satayomi, Soneto, Tolen, Tlayacma, Tamal, Topayto, Ululato, Zaclom, Utinomanoc." (Op. cit., p. 451.) It is possible at present to locate only a portion of the "tribes" or villages given in this list, but from those identifiable it is evident that Indians were brought to this mission from as far west as the coast, at Tomales and Bodega bays, as far north as Coyote valley on the headwaters of Putah creek, as far east as the west bank of the Sacramento river, and as far south as the northern shore of San Pablo bay, and it is quite probable that among the unidentifiable names are some from beyond these regions, particularly toward the south and east. almost all have now disappeared, so that very little information is obtainable from the Indians concerning the old villages or the early conditions in this region. These Indians, brought to the mission by the Franciscan Fathers, soon lost their identity and true name, at least so far as any records are concerned, and were all known as the Sonoma or Sonomi Indians, also called Sonomellos, probably from the Spanish Sonomeño, which names are used almost universally by early writers. Gibbs,Schoolcraft, III, 421. however, states that the "Tcho-ko-yem" were a people formerly living in Petaluma valley, but at the time of his writing in Sonoma valley, and he gives a vocabulary of their language which is clearly Moquelumnan. The name, probably originally that of a single village, gained a wider significance, being used by Gibbs to designate all the Indians in the region from San Rafael

― 313 ―

mission northward to Santa Rosa and eastward as far as Suscol, and by others in a still broader sense, as the name of a division of what they termed the Olamentke (Moquelumnan stock) and comprising all the Indians found in both Petaluma and Sonoma valleys. This latter broad significance is probably due to the mingling at Sonoma mission of the original "Tcho-koyem" people with those from various other villages. Probably with Gibbs as authority some later writers mention the "Tcho-koyem,"Bancroft, Native Races, I, 450. "Chokuyem,"Powers, Tribes of Cal., p. 195. and "Chocuyens."Tuthill, History of Cal., p. 301; Thompson, Sonoma County, p. 8.

The name Sonoma it has been statedGibbs, Schoolcraft, III. 421. is of Spanish origin, and is the name given by the first missionary at Sonoma to the "chief" of the Indians there and later applied to all the Indians at the mission.Thompson, Sonoma County, p. 8. From Indian sources it seems that there was a captain among them who was commonly called Sonoma, but whose Indian name was hō'īpūs-tōlōpo'kse, from hō'īpūs, captain, and tō'lōpo, to respond. His native language was Southern Moquelumnan. That the name Sonoma is of Spanish origin seems very doubtful, however, since there is no such Spanish word and no word from which this would have been easily corrupted. There is, however, in the village names of the Yukian Wappo dialect, the territory of which extends to within a few miles of Sonoma, a constantly recurring ending -tsō'nōma, derived from tsō, earth or ground, and nō'ma, village, as mīcēwal-tsō'nōma; and it seems probable that this is the true source of the name Sonoma. The name is now in extensive use, there being a county, town, township, school district, and creek all bearing it.

te'mblek, at a point about a mile and a half west of the town of Sonoma. The people of this village are probably the ones referred to by TaylorCalifornia Farmer, March 30, 1860. when he says, "The Timbalakees lived on the west side of Sonoma valley." BancroftNative Races, I, 450. upon the authority of Taylor, mentions the same people.

tūlī', in the hills west of Sonoma creek and at a point probably

― 314 ―

about three miles west of the town of Sonoma. Very indefinitely located.

wūgīlī'wa, near Agua Caliente.

lūmenta'kala, in the hills forming the divide between the Sonoma and Santa Rosa creek drainages, and at a point probably a short distance south of the Pomo-Moquelumnan interstock boundary. Very indefinitely located.

Northern Dialect.See note 379.

Boundaries.

Beginning at a point on Cache creek about four miles from its source, the southernmost end of Clear lake, the boundary of the Northern or Lake Moquelumnan dialectic area runs in a general southeasterly direction, probably along the ridge between Jerusalem Valley and Morgan Valley creeks, crosses the latter near the confluence of the two, and passes through the hills east of Jerusalem valley to Putah creek, which it crosses at a point about five miles east of Guenoc. From here it runs for a short distance in the same direction, and then, turning in a southwesterly direction, it runs to a point probably about eight miles northeast of Mt. St. Helena. East of this portion of the boundary lies the Southerly Wintun area. At this point the boundary turns in a northwesterly direction and runs through the mountains and into Coyote valley to a point about three miles northeast of Middletown and about a mile and a half southwest of Guenoc. Turning then in a westerly direction it runs through Coyote valley, crossing Putah creek, and passes to the summit of Cobb mountain. This portion of the boundary separates the Northern Moquelumnan from the Yukian Wappo area. It here turns and runs in a general northerly direction, following up the range connecting Cobb mountain with Mt. Kanaktai, to a point just east of the headwaters of Cole creek where it turns in a general easterly direction and runs through the foot-hills to the southern extremity of Lower Lake, and thence to Cache creek, down which it runs for about four miles to the point of starting.

― 315 ―

From Cobb mountain on to its northeastern extremity the boundary separates the Northern Moquelumnan from the Eastern and Southeastern Pomo dialectic areas.

To the north of the Northern Moquelumnan dialectic area lies the Southeastern Pomo area, to the east is Wintun territory, and to the south the territory of the Yukian Wappo, while on the west the Eastern Pomo area adjoins it.

General Description.

This area may be separated into the Coyote ValleyCoyote valley is also known by that name in the languages of some of the surrounding Indians. The Eastern Pomo name of the valley is gūnū'laxaxōi, and the Southeastern Pomo name is klī'win-xōi, both of which mean literally coyote valley. or Putah CreekThe name Putah is not, as is often supposed, of Indian origin, but comes from the Spanish puta, meaning a harlot, and the name Putos was, according to Powers (Tribes of California, p. 219), applied by the early Spaniards to the Indians along lower Putah creek and later to the creek itself as well as to two land grants in Solano county. The word as the name of Indians has also been given by Engelhardt (op. cit., p. 451) as "Putto or Putato." The Wintun living on the lower course of this creek call it lī'wai, which signifies waving, and by some it is said that there was formerly a village on the north bank of the creek in the neighborhood of Winters which bore the same name. This village is probably the source of people called "Liwaito" by Powers (Tribes of California, p. 218), and "Linayto or Libayto" by Engelhardt (op. cit., p. 451). Powers also states (Ibid) that the aboriginal name of Putah creek was "Li-wai." division, lying along Putah creek; and the Lower Lake division, comprising the valley at the southern end of Lower lake with the surrounding mountains. Coyote valley is a narrow valley about four miles in length and extending as far down stream as a point a short distance east of the present Indian village of hūkū'hyūme. It is surrounded by low brush-covered hills with the higher mountains in the distance. In these hills are several small valleys which, like Coyote valley, are very fertile and were in former times inhabited by the Indians. Lower Lake valley extends southward from the lake shore as far as the town of Lower Lake. The portion of it which lies along the lake shore is marshy and unfit for habitation, but it formerly afforded good hunting grounds for the Indians. In the southern part of the valley, as also in the part lying along the bank of Cache creek, are desirable sites for habitations and it was here that the old villages were located. This valley is surrounded by sparsely

― 316 ―

wooded hills with higher mountains in the distance. To the west the range connecting Mt. Kanaktai with Mt. St. Helena rises to a considerable height, and on the south there is a lower though fairly high range, which separates the drainage of Lower lake from that of Putah creek. The inhabitants of Coyote valley as well as those in the immediate vicinity of Lower lake derived an important portion of their food supply from the lake where fish and water birds were abundant. Game of all kinds was also formerly very plentiful in the surrounding mountains. While the people speaking the Northern Moquelumnan dialect owned the lake shore only at the southern extremity of Lower lake itself, they were on very friendly terms with their Pomo neighbors, who allowed them full hunting and fishing privileges on this arm of Clear lake, at least in its southern part.

Putah Creek Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

hūkū'hyūme or sīwī'yōme, on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about a mile and a half down stream from Guenoc. This village consists of six houses and about twenty-five inhabitants, and is the only inhabited village in this dialectic area. It was established about thirty years ago, its inhabitants coming from the old village of ōlē'yōme about three miles and a half up stream. In addition to the dwellings there is here a small dance-house, now partly in ruins.

Old Village Sites.

cō'yōme, on the south bank of Putah creek at a point about three and one-half miles down stream from Guenoc. This may be the village referred to as "Coyayomi or Joyayomi" by Engel-hardtOp. cit., p. 451. in his enumeration of the "tribes of Indians that furnished converts" at Sonoma mission.

kebū'lpūkūt, on the shore of a small wet-weather lake about two miles and a half southeast of Guenoc.

tūmi'stūmis, on the banks of a small tributary of Putah creek at a point about two miles and a half northeast of Guenoc.

― 317 ―

ōlē'yōme, from ō'le, coyote, and yō'me, place, on the north bank of Putah creek at a point about a mile and three-quarters up stream from Guenoc. This site has not been inhabited for about thirty years, the Indians having moved at that time to the present village of hūkū'hyūme about three miles and a half down stream. The name ōyē'yōmi, of a village near Freestone in the Southern dialectic area, is the same as that of this village with the dialectic change of l to y. ō'le and ō'ye, signifying coyote, enter very frequently into Moquelumnan names, as ōlē-amī-wū'we, coyote, ?, creek, which is the Northern Moquelumnan name of Putah creek. It seems probable that the Indians referred to by TaylorCalifornia Farmer, March 30, 1860. and later by BancroftNative Races, I, 363, 451. as the "Guenocks" lived in and about Coyote valley, although it is impossible to give them an exact location as apparently the name was never used by the Indians themselves. Neither is it, so far as can be ascertained, of Spanish origin, though it is used in the name of the old Mexican grant, the Guenoc Rancho,This grant was obtained by Mr. George Roth in 1845, and contained six square leagues of land in Coyote valley and the adjacent territory along the headwaters of Putah creek.—Slocum, Bowen and Company, op. cit., Lake county, p. 46. and there is now in Coyote valley a small post office bearing this name. Slocum, Bowen and CompanyOp. cit., Lake county, p. 36. give "koo-noo-la-ka-koi" as the name of the people living in Coyote valley. This is simply the Eastern Pomo name of Coyote valley, but the people specifically referred to may have been those of the village of ōlē'yōme. The "Oleomi" mentioned by EngelhardtOp. cit., p. 451. as among the "tribes that furnished converts" at Sonoma mission may refer to the people of this village or to those of ōyē'yōmi near Freestone in the Southern dialectic area.

Lower Lake Division.

Old Village Sites.

ka'wīyōme, on the south bank of Cache creek at a point about a mile and a half down from its source, and about the same distance from the town of Lower Lake.

― 318 ―

tsī'tsapōgūt or ka'tcūlūlūkūwan (Southeastern Pomo dialect name), in the northwestern part of the town of Lower Lake. This site is near the Scottman residence just north of the wagon bridge at Lower Lake.

tū'lēyōme, at a point about two miles south of the town of Lower Lake. This site is located in the low hills south of Lower Lake and is on the east side of the county road on what is called the Dock Murphy ranch.

Costanoan.

A little information concerning the Indians who lived about the southern end of San Francisco bay was obtained from an old Moquelumnan woman whose early life was spent chiefly at San Rafael mission, but who lived for about a year on a ranch at Agua Caliente, near San José. She knows nothing of the language of the people farther south than San José, but says that the people of San Francisco, Oakland and all of the Santa Clara valley as far south as San José spoke a language called pō'lye, of which she was able to give a very limited vocabulary. The vocabulary is clearly Costanoan. The same informant says that during the days of the San Francisco mission people speaking a different language were brought over from the San Joaquin valley and settled on the eastern shore of San Francisco bay.

― 319 ―

Glossary.

Indian Terms From Which Place Names are Derived.

Only such terms as were actually translated by the Indians themselves in speaking of the various place names are here given, and the bracketed initials following each definition indicate the stock and dialect to which the definition belongs. This does not mean, however, that this is the only dialect of the stock in which the term occurs with this meaning. The large initial indicates the stock, viz.: P, Pomo; Y, Yuki; A, Athapascan; W, Wintun, and M, Moquelumnan. The small initials indicate dialects, viz.: N, Northern; C, Central; E, Eastern; W, Wappo and Western; Y, Yuki Proper; S, Southern; SE, Southeastern; etc.

a"ca, fish [PS, SW].
a'ka or a"ka, water or spring [PS, SW].
a'ma, ground [PS, SW].
ama'lī, flat ground (?) [PSW].
a'mū, behind [PC, E].
annakō'ta, bull snake [YW].
a'nō, behind [PC].
aⁿs, red [YY].
a'tca, man [PSW].
atcī', sedge [PSW].
ba, tail [PN].
ba'ca, buckeye [PS].
ba'ce, buckeye [PSW].
badō', flat [PN].
badō'n, island [PE].
bagī'l, long [PE].
baka'ū, dam [PN].
balō', oat [PN]
basa't, forks [PN]
bata'p or bata'mk, cut [PN].
batcō'a, angelica [PC].
bate' or batē', big [PN, S, SW], many (?) [PS].
batī', alder [PS].
batin, big [PE].
batsa'tsa, cascara [PSW].
batsō'm, a species of oak [PE].
batsū'm, a species of oak [PE].
be'ce, buckeye [PS].
behe', pepperwood nuts [PN, E].

― 320 ―

behe'm, pepperwood [PN, C].
ben, curved pond (?) [PS], big [WS].
bi, in or there [A].
bida', creek or river [PN, SW].
bida'me, creek or river [PE].
bidami, creek or river [PE].
bida'ū, low [PE].
bike', ground squirrel [PN].
bī'mū, a species of shrub [PS].
bita', bear [PN].
bite'n, big [PSE].
bito'm, see mato'.
bō, west [PN, C, E].
bō'cam, a kind of seed [PN].
bō'ee, hump [A].
bōo'mlī, to hunt around [PE].
bor, mud [PN].
bot, scattered around in small pieces [PC].
bū, Indian potatoes [PC, S].
bul, the name of a certain large flat rock off shore near the mouth of Big river [PN].
bûntc, fly [A].
būta'ka, bear [PN].
bū'tū, knoll [PE].
ca, fish [PE].
caba', hazel [PN].
ca'dīlaū, projecting point [PC].
cadim, little ridge [PSW].
caditc, point [PC].
cakō', willow [PN].
ca'na, ridge [PSW].
canē', sweat-house or dance-house [PN, C].
cī, clover [YW].
cīē', a kind of grass seed [PC].
cīi'n, grape vine [PN].
cik, black [YY].
cil, hang down [PN], bunch [PN].
ci'lin, hanging up [PN].
cīna' or cīna'l, head [PN, SW].
cipi, willow [YY].
cīyō', shade or shadow [PC, S].
ciyol, shady [PN, S].
cō east [PN, C, E].
cōko'n, crooked [PN].
cū'kit, small string [PSW].
cū'naū, pretty (?) [PN].
da, on [PN], trail [PC, SW].
daba'ū, to split with the hand [PC].
dai, landing [PSE].

― 321 ―

dakō', pestle [PC].
dala', flat plate-form basket [PE].
dala'm, dam [PE].
dala'ū, to run down [PC].
dam, trail [PN].
dana', to cover up [PSW].
dane'k, throw out [PN].
danō', mountain [PN, C, E, SW].
dī'hī, village [WS].
dī'kat, to whistle [PSW].
dile', between, among, in the midst of [PN, E].
distē, madroña [A].
dīwī', coyote [PE].
dī'tem, to go on, upon or on top of (?) [PS].
dja, house [PN, C].
dja'da, run away (?) [PN].
dje'lhe, white oak (?) [PS].
djom, a species of pine [PN].
djō"to, to stand up [PSW].
djūhū'la, north [PN].
djūsa'm, the bottom of a waterfall (?) [PSW].
dōnō', mountain [PC, SW].
dō'tcanī, to place one's hand upon [PSW].
dō'wī, coyote [PS].
dū'kac, abalone [PSW].
dū'wī, coyote [PS, SW].
e'la, to throw and miss an object [PN].
elī, place [PS, SW].
e'llī, place [PSW].
fai, a flat open place [PSE].
gacō', pond [PE].
gagō', valley [PN, C, E], field [PC].
ga'iye, manzanita [PS].
gal, homeward [PN].
gala'i, a kind of water bird [PE].
go'tca, house [PW].
gūhū'la, north [PE].
gūnū'la, coyote [PE].
gût, on top [A].
gûts, crooked [A].
ha, mouth [PN].
ha'lī, the edible fleshy covering of the nut of the California laurel [PE].
han, house [YY].
ha'ta, red [PS].
ha'ū, mouth [PC].
hel, anus [YW].
he'lle, flat [PS].
hem, pepperwood or California laurel [PSW].
hībū', Indian potatoes [PSW].

― 322 ―

hī'me, shell fragments [MW].
hī'mō, hole [PSW].
hītc, a species of fish [PE].
hī'wal, related to wala'lī, which see.
hma'rak, sweat-house, or dance-house [PE].
hual, on [PN].
hō, hot or fire [PN, S].
hō'dūdū, milk snake [PN].
hō'īpūs, captain [MS].
hōl, tree [YW].
hōm, nettle [PN].
hot, big [YY].
hota'kala, up the hill [MW].
huge'lmīte, a mythical monster [YW].
hū'īye, point [MW].
hūk, a mythical being resembling a bird [PC, E].
hūtc, mountain [YY].
hwa'laū, to flow down or flow into [PSW].
ī, place [PN].
īka'ū, broken or bursted asunder [PS].
īle'm, between hills [PC], a flat [PE].
i'lē'ma, between or low down [PC].
īmī'l, blackberry [WS].
ite'l, to peel off [PC].
īte'm, a small open place [PC].
īwī', coyote [PC].
iwil, poison [YY].
iwil-hass, sweat-house, literally poison-house [YY].
īyō', below [PS].
ka, water [PN, C, S, SW]. It has also a secondary meaning of spring, or a body of water such as a lake or the ocean.
kaa'i, crow [PN].
kaa'l, tule [PSE].
kaba', madroña [PS, SW].
kaba'i, wild onion, Allium unifolium [PN].
kaba't, madroña [PN].
kabē', rock [PN, C, E, S, SW].
kabō', clover [PN].
kac, ridge [YY].
kacī', a water plant said to somewhat resemble bamboo [PE].
kai, valley [PN], nuts [A].
ka'ia, valley [PC].
kaiya'ū, head [PE].
kaiye', manzanita [PC, S].
kakū'l, white oak [PE].
kal, mussel [PN].
k!al, to rub [PC].
kala', clam [PN], dead [PSW].
kala'lnō, white willow [PC].

― 323 ―

kale', tree [PN, C, E, S, SW, SE], up [PSW].
kalō'li, dry [PE].
kalū'm, gone [PN].
ka'mlī, anything thrown across [PC].
kapa', bracken [PSW].
kar, a dry limb filled with woodpecker holes [PN].
kasi'l, redwood [PC, S].
kata', hollow [PN].
katca', arrow-head [PN], obsidian or flint [PN, C].
katcim, not good, bad [YY].
ka'tōn, lake or pond [PS].
katō't, shucks (the thin inner shell) of the nut of the pepperwood, California laurel [PE].
katsa', grass [PN, S].
katsi'l, cold [PE].
katū, lake [PN].
katū'l, spring [PSW].
kawa', bark [PC].
kawam, or kawan, a species of pine [PS].
kawe', to build [PN].
kawī, small [PC].
kawī'na, turtle [PN].
kawō', toad [PE].
kca, white oak [PN], canyon or gulch [PC].
kecel, blue clay [PSE].
keē', salt [PE].
kē'ya, there [PN].
kfai, a flat open place [PSE].
kīca', sea gull [PSW].
kile'l, a caved embankment [PN].
kis, heart burn [PC].
kītci'l, flint [YY].
kīte'm, bushy top (?) of a tree [PE].
kitsi'l, end [PN].
klī'win, coyote [PSE].
knō, mountain [PSE].
kō, belly [PN], ball [PS], long [PS], mussel [PSW].
kō'bō, a kind of grass [PSW].
koc, blackberry [A].
kō'dakatc, arched or bowed up [PC].
kol, on the other side (?) [YY].
ko'lo, mortar basket [PS].
k!ō'lō, mortar stone [PSE].
kōm, soda spring [PN], bog [PN].
kō'p, nettle [PE].
kō'pe, grape vine [WS].
kō'sa, elbow [PSW].
ko'tic, black oak [YW].

― 324 ―

kōtī'na, the name of a former captain or head man of one of the Southerly Wintun villages [WS].
kō'wi, valley [PS].
ktai, old woman (probably mythical) [PSE].
kûc, alder [A].
kūca', live oak [PE].
kūla', probably yellow water lily, Nymphaea polysepala [PN], a kind of plant (?) [PS].
kūLa' waterlily [PE].
kût, creek [A]
kū'tci, moss [PN].
la, place [WS].
Labe, there [WS].
la 'kken, a gap between two hills [MW].
la'la, in the middle [PC], wild goose [PSW].
Lax, opening or inlet [PE].
le, place [PS, SW].
le'le, small flat or small valley [YW].
lē'ma, see i' lē'ma.
Let, ground squirrel [WS].
Lgai, white [A]
lī, there, or place [PN, C, S, SW].
līcū'ī, black oak [PE].
lil, rock [YY].
lī'wai, waving [WS].
lok, goose [YW].
lo'kla, valley [MS].
lō'klō, valley [MS].
lol, tobacco [WS].
lū'ma, back [MS].
lū'pû or Lū'pû, rock [MW].
ma, ground [PN, C, SW], grove [YW].
maca', Indian hemp, Apocynum [PN].
madō', cold [PN].
maiyī', contagion [PN].
ma'ka, salmon [PS].
maka'la, rabbit [PN].
makō', blue heron [PE].
maⁿl, creek [YY].
ma'la, beside [PSW].
maLa, to bake [WS].
mala'la, mosquito [PS].
ma'lī, there or place [PSW].
malū', bake [PN]
mama', projecting [PN].
ma'tca, sweat-house [PSW].
mate'l, spliced [PE].
matō', big [PN].
mato'lk, to scatter [PE].

― 325 ―

mawa'lī, to place (?) [PSW].
me, water [YW].
mē'hwa, grape vine [YW].
mē'la, place (?) [YW].
mem, water [WS].
mī, place [PN].
mila'm, burned or otherwise totally destroyed [PC].
mīna', on top of or near to [PN].
mīsa'kalak, striped watersnake [PN].
mīsa'kale, striped watersnake [PN].
mī'tce, turtle [YW].
mlam, see mila'm.
mō, hole [PN, C, E].
mōko'c, stump [PS].
mōn, madroña (both trees and berries) [WS].
mō'ta, hill [YW].
msa'kale, striped watersnake [PC].
msū, burned or charred [PC].
mūga', seed [PN].
mûka', scorched [PN].
mū'kū, trail [MW].
mū'tak, ant [PS].
mūtca', a kind of grass seed [PSW].
mū'ti, north [YW].
mū'yamūya, a mythical being [PC].
na, on top of [PC].
nal, forest [PC].
nan, well or deep hole [YW].
nansaⁿ, hang down [A]
napa, the detachable points of the aboriginal fish gig or spear [PS].
napa'gī, mussel [MW].
napō', village [PE].
napo'tai, old village [PN].
ne, ground [A]
netc, gravel [A]
nē'ū, to place [PC, SW].
nī'Lek, a species of hawk [YW].
nō, ashes [PN, C, E, S], dust [PS].
nom, people [YY].
nō'ma, home or village [YW].
nō'ndil, settle down upon [A]
ntca'ū, big [A]
ntce, bad [A]
nūtc, gravel [YY].
nū'tse, small [YW].
ōhō'm, nettle [PSW].
ō'le, coyote [MS, N].
o'lōm, south [MS].
on, earth, land [YY].

― 326 ―

ō'ssō, clover [PS].
ōtō'ne, the edible purple seaweed [PSW].
ō'ye, coyote [MW].
pa, excrement [PSW].
pa'tan, to pound or grind [PN].
patō'l, oak ball [PSE].
pa'wē, mountain [MN].
pda, creek or river [PC].
pe'ta, flat [MS].
pē'ūlū, village (from the Spanish pueblo) [PS].
pik, mellow [PN].
pī'po, white oak [YW].
pit·, hole or mine [YY].
pō, red [PN, C, SW].
pōl, red [PC].
pō'ma, village [PN].
pō'mō, village [PN].
po'tola, white [MS].
pte, big [PS].
pū'ī, greasy, sweet or otherwise pleasing to the taste [PN].
pū'lak, pond or lake [MW].
pū'lok, pond or lake [MW].
pūtce'ma, stand up straight [PSW].
pū'tsūm, point [PE].
sa'la, redwood [PN].
sa'ma, near [PC].
se, brush or thicket [PE], rock [A]
see', brush [PE, SW].
sel, people [WS].
sīla', flat [PSW].
skōl, laughing [PN].
sma, sleep [PS].
smē'wa, wolf [PC].
sō, clover [PC, E].
sōhō'i, sea-lion [PSW].
sōn, tule rush [YY].
so'sa, red ant [PN].
sō'tō, a sir name [PS].
sū'kūi, a kind of seed [WS].
sūl, vulture or California condor [PC], rope [PSW], snag of a tree (?) [PSW].
sū'wū, pocket gopher [MW].
ta, sand [PN, C, E], beach [PSW], red [PC].
ta, tops [A], bird [PSW].
t!a, to wind around [PSW].
taa', sand [PE].
ta'gala, high [MW].
tai, old woman (probably mythical) [PSE].
ta'la, stand up [MW].

― 327 ―

tam, sidehill [YY].
ta'mal, bay [MS].
tana', hand [PN].
tas, red [PC].
tatc, sand [PSW].
taū'wak, shoulder [MW].
tca, house [PN, C, S], person or man [PN, SW].
tca'da, run away (?) [PN].
tcahe, redbud [YY].
tcai, a species of fish [PE].
tca'lam, a kind of plant [PSW].
tca'Lī, village [PS].
tcam, to fall across [PC], live oak (?) [PC].
tcata', between [PN].
tcatī', village [PN].
tca'tī, house [PSW].
tca'wal, sitting down (?) [PSW].
tcawe'l, canyon [PN].
tca'wī, house [PS].
tcel, white oak (?) [PS].
tceliñ, run out [A].
tce'ma, flat hole [PSW].
tce'matc, narrow valley (?) [PC].
tcen, down or low [WS].
tce'ûk, corner [PC].
tcī'bē, fir [A]
tcī'eū, said to signify the highest point on a stream to which large fish, such as salmon, ascend [PC].
tcī'kō', to touch something with an object (?) [PSW].
tci'Ltiñ, something lying down [A]
tcīm, the plant of Carex barbarae [PC].
tcima', to run or extend up stream [PC].
tcīma'ia, enemy [PN].
tcin, to hang down [PS].
tcītca'kalī, narrow open strip of land [PSW].
tcitī', a kind of bush [PSW].
tcō'kō, to kneel down upon both knees [PSW].
tcotchan, mush oak [YY].
tcūhe'l, sand [WN].
tcuhū'l, north [PN].
tcū'la, north [PN].
tcūma', to place [PSW].
tcūma'tī, to sit down (?) [PSW].
te, elderberry [PSW].
te, low (?) [A].
te'ke, mineral left as a deposit after the evaporation of the water from the springs at the Geysers in Sonoma county [YW].
tē'lī, flat head (?) [PS].
tem, see īte'm.

― 328 ―

te'ne, chest [MW].
tē'ya, those people [PC].
tī, string [PN], old [PE].
ti'ki, sand [WS].
tītam, mountain [YY].
tō, water [A]
tō, toward [PN].
tōi, top [WS].
tō'kaū, small bone whistle [MW].
tōl, hollow [PN].
tōl, place (?) [PSW].
toL, mountain [MW].
tō'lōpo, respond [MS].
tōn, under (?) [PS], on (?) [PSW].
tōwa'nī, stand up [PS].
tō'tōla, elderberry [MW].
tsaka', smoke [PN], native tobacco [PN].
tsawa'l, a species of fish [PE].
tsawa'm, braid [PE].
tsawa'tak, a small species of frog [PN].
tsel, charcoal [YW].
tse'ma, ear [YW].
tsi'kinī, owl [PN].
tsī'ū, corner [PN].
tsīwi'c, Carex [PE].
tsō, ground [YW].
tsū'ba, a kind of bush [PSW].
tsūba'ha, a species of willow used in basket making [PE].
tsūka', a small edible mollusc, Chlorostoma funebrale A Adams [PSW].
tūl, large valley [YW].
tū'lūka, red [WS].
tū'ī, forks (?) [PS].
tū'le, hummingbird [PSW].
tūū'l, old [PN].
ūdi', big [MN].
ūk, water [YY].
ū'kom, valley [YY].
wai, an ejaculation (?) [PSE].
wal, warrior [YW].
wala'lī, the meeting place of the waters of any inflowing stream with the waters of the stream into which it flows or with the ocean [PSW].
wa'lī, on both sides [PSW], at (?) [PN].
wa'tak, frog [PS].
wī, place [PN, C, S, SW], on [PSW].
wica', ridge (particularly a small ridge), [PC, E, S].
wīca'l, ridge [PSW].
wina', on top of or upon [PC, E, SW], near [PE].
wīnī', large swelled knot [PE].
wīt, sidehill [YY].

― 329 ―

wo'to, dirty, ashes [PS].
xa, water [PN, E, SE], spring [PE].
xaba'i, wild onion, Alluim unifolium [PE].
xabē' rock [PE].
xaga', obsidian [PE].
xag`ō'i, valley [PE].
xai, wood [PE].
xaiya'ū, head [PE].
xala', clam [PN].
xaro', valley white oak black bread [PN].
xatai', woman [PSE].
xaxō', valley [PE].
xaxō'i, valley [PE].
xō'i, valley [PSE].
xō'wa, in front of [PE].
xûna', tule boat or balsa [PSE].
xūnū', luck [PE].
ya, wind [PN].
ya'la, level [PSW].
yī, no (?) [PE].
yic, wolf [A]
yī'ū, under [A]
yō, under [PN, C, E, S, SW, SE], down [PC], south [PC].
yō'a, earth or ground [MS].
yōcī', white oak [PS].
yō'me, the home of [PS], place [MN].
yō'mī, place [MS].
yō'wa, under [PSE].

― 330 ―

Bibliography.

A LIST OF PUBLISHED WORKS IN WHICH MENTION IS MADE OF THE ABORIGINAL NAMES OF PEOPLES OR PLACES WITHIN THE TERRITORY UNDER INVESTIGATION.

ALLEY, BOWEN & COMPANY: History of Mendocino County, California; San Francisco, 1880.

BAILEY, G.: Special Agent Interior Department.—Report Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1858.

BANCROFT, H. H.: Native Races, I, III; San Francisco, 1886. History of California, II; San Francisco, 1886.

BARRETT, S. A.: A New Moquelumnan Territory in California; American Anthropologist n. s. V, 1903. The Pomo in the Sacramento Valley of California; American Anthropologist n. s. VI, 1904.

BEACH, W. W.: The Indian Miscellany; Albany, 1877.

BOWERS, H. B.: Second Edition. Map of Sonoma County, California . . . with additions and corrections to September 1, 1882.

BRACKENRIDGE, N. B.: Official Map of Mendocino County, California; San Francisco, 1887.

BROWNE, J. ROSS: The Indian Reservations of California; Harper's Magazine, for August, 1861.—Beach's Indian Miscellany; Albany, 1877.

CARTER, C. F.: The Missions of Nueva California; San Francisco, 1900.

CHESNUT, V. K.: Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California; United States Department of Agriculture, Division of Botany; Contributions from the United States National Herbarium, VII, No. 3.

DODGE, GEORGE M.: Official Map of Marin County, California; San Francisco, 1892.

DRAKE, Sir FRANCIS: Early English Voyages to the Pacific Coast of America (from their own, and contemporary English, accounts). Sir Francis Drake.—Out West, XVIII; Los Angeles, California, 1903.

ENGELHARDT, Fr. ZEPHYRIN, O. S. F.: The Franciscans in California; Harbor Springs, Michigan, 1897.

FORD, Captain H. L., Sub-agent in charge of the Mendocino Reservation: Report of, to Thomas J. Henley, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for California; in Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the year 1856. Deposition of Captain H. L. Ford, taken February 22, 1860.—State of California Legislature, Majority and Minority Reports of the Special Joint Committee on the Mendocino War, 1860.

― 331 ―

GIBBS, GEORGE: Journal of the Expedition of Colonel Redick M'Kee, United States Indian Agent, through Northwestern California. Performed in the Summer and Fall of 1851, Schoolcraft, Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge, III.

GODDARD, Professor P. E.: The Kato Pomo not Pomo; American Anthropologist n. s. V., 1903.

HAKLUYT, RICHARD: The Voyages, Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation; London, 1600. Reprinted edition of the above; London, 1810.

HILDRETH, WILLIAM J.: Deposition of William J. Hildreth, taken February 24, 1860.—State of California Legislature, Majority and Minority Reports of the Special Joint Committee on the Mendocino War, 1860.

HITTELL, THEODORE H.: History of California, I; San Francisco, 1885.

HUDSON, Dr. J. W.: Pomo Basket Makers, Overland Monthly (Second Series), XXI; San Francisco, 1893. Pomo Wampum Makers, Overland Monthly (Second Series), XXX, 1897.

KING, M. G., and MORGAN, T. W.: Map of the Central Portion of Napa Valley and the Town of St. Helena; San Francisco, 1881.

KOSTROMITONOW: See Von Baer.

KROEBER, Professor A. L.: Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California; University of California Publications, Archaeology and Ethnology, II, 1905. The Coast Yuki of California; American Anthropologist n. s. V, 1903. The Dialectic Divisions of the Moquelumnan Family in Relation to the Internal Differentiation of the Other Linguistic Families of California; American Anthropologist n.s. VIII, 1906.

LACOCK, DRYDEN: Deposition of Dryden Lacock; taken February 25, 1860.— State of California Legislature, Majority and Minority Reports of the Special Joint Committee on the Mendocino War, 1860.

LATHAM, Dr. R. G.: Transactions of the Philological Society of London, 1856. Elements of Comparative Philology; London, 1862.

MASON, Professor OTIS T.: Aboriginal American Basketry; Studies in a Textile Art Without Machinery, Report United States National Museum for 1902, 1904.

MCADIE, ALEXANDER G.: Climatology of California, United States Weather Bureau Bulletin, L, 1903.

MCKEE, JOHN: Minutes kept by John McKee, secretary on the expedition from Sonoma, through Northern California.—Senate Executive Documents, Special Session, 32nd Congress, March, 1853, Document 4.

MENEFEE, C. A.: Historical and Descriptive Sketch Book of Napa, Sonoma, Lake, and Mendocino; Napa City, 1873.

― 332 ―

Mineral Map of Lake County, California. Issued by the California State Mining Bureau, Lewis E. Aubury, State Mineralogist.

POWELL, Major J. W.: Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico. 7th Annual Report Bureau American Ethnology, 1885-86.

POWERS, STEPHEN: Tribes of California, Contributions to North American Ethnology, III, 1877. The Northern California Indians, Overland Monthly; San Francisco, 1872-74.

PURDY, CARL: Pomo Indian Baskets and Their Makers; in Land of Sunshine, XV; Los Angeles, 1901, and Out West, XVI; Los Angeles, 1902. Mr. Purdy's reprinted edition, in book form, Los Angeles, 1902.

SIMMONS, Miss KATHRYN: Traditions and Landmarks of Yolo; Woodland Daily Democrat, February 16, 1905.

SLOCUM, BOWEN & COMPANY: History of Napa and Lake Counties, California; San Francisco, 1881.

TAYLOR, ALEXANDER S.: Indianology of California, in The California Farmer; San Francisco, 1860-61.

THOMPSON, ROBERT A.: Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County, California; Philadelphia, 1877. Central Sonoma; San Francisco, 1884. The Russian Settlement in California Known as Fort Ross; Santa Rosa, 1896.

TUTHILL, FRANKLIN: History of California; San Francisco, 1866.

VON BAER, K. E., and Gr. VON HELMERSEN: Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Russischen Reiches, I; St. Petersburg, 1839.

VON KOTZEBUE, OTTO: A Voyage of Discovery into the South Sea and Beering's Straits, for the purpose of Exploring the Northeast Passage, London, 1821. A New Voyage Round the World; London, 1830.

WILEY, AUSTIN: Report, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in Report Secretary of the Interior, 1864, in House Executive Documents, 1864-65, V, No. 1.

About this text
Courtesy of The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-6000; http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/
http://content.cdlib.org/view?docId=hb9779p385&brand=oac4
Title: The ethno-geography of the Pomo and neighboring Indians, by S.A. Barrett
By: Barrett, S. A. (Samuel Alfred), 1879-1965, Author
Date: 1908
Contributing Institution: The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-6000; http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/
Copyright Note:

Copyright status unknown. Some materials in these collections may be protected by the U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.X.C.). In addition, the reproduction of some materials may be restricted by terms of University of California gift or purchase agreements, donor restrictions, privacy and publicity rights, licensing and trademarks. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by copyright beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owner. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user.

All requests to reproduce, publish, quote from, or otherwise use collection materials must be submitted in writing to the Head of Access Services, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley 94720-6000. Consent is given on behalf of The Bancroft Library as the owner of the physical items and does not constitute permission from the copyright owner. Such permission must be obtained from the copyright owner. See: http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/reference/permissions.html

Introduction.

General Description.

Geographical Position.

Climate.

Flora.

Fauna.

Inhabitants.

Culture.

History.

Explorations.

Settlements.

California Missions.

San Francisco.

Fort Ross (Russian Settlement).

San Rafael.

Sonoma.

American Occupation of California.

Influence of Settlement Upon the Indians.

Reservations.

Mendocino Reservation.

Round Valley Reservation.

The Indians at Present.

Linguistics

Alphabet.

Vowels:

Linguistic Relationships.

Pomo * Footnotes to the vocabularies will be found on page 87.

Moquelumnan. Yuki.

Wintun.

Footnotes to Vocabularies.

Pomo.

Lexical Relationships.

Phonetic Relationships.

Phonetic Variations.

Northern Dialect.

Central Dialect.

Eastern Dialect.

Southeastern Dialect.

Southern Dialect.

Southwestern Dialect.

Northeastern Dialect.

Moquelumnan.

Lexical Relationships.

Phonetic Relationships.

Sounds.

Phonetic Variations.

Wintun.

Lexical Relationships.

Phonetic Relationships.

Sounds.

Phonetic Variations.

Yuki.

Lexical Relationship.

Phonetic Relationships.

Sounds.

Phonetic Variations.

Relationships of the Linguistic Stocks.

Sounds.

Geographical Divisions

Pomo.

Boundaries.The boundaries here given are those of the main Pomo area. For the boundaries of the isolated Northeastern area see the section devoted to the geography of this dialect.

Divisions.

Sacramento Valley Pomo.

Northern Dialect.

Boundaries.

General Description.

Coast Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Old Village Sites.The original inhabitants of this portion of the coast region have almost entirely disappeared and it has been possible to obtain accurate information concerning only the more important and well known of the old village sites.

Old Camp Sites.

Sites Not Mentioned by Indians.

Valley Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Old Village Sites.

Uninhabited Modern Village Sites.

Old Camp Sites.

Sites Not Mentioned by Indians.

Lake Division.

Inhabited Modern Village Sites.

Old Village Sites.

Pomo
^*
Footnotes to the vocabularies will be found on page 87.