Profound impact of independent living movement
Jacobson
Larry, you were with that office until 19--
Allison
Ninety-one, I think.
Jacobson
Ninety-one. So you saw the philosophy of independent living movement start to take hold. Can you comment on what that was
like? How did that relate to the disability rights philosophy?
Allison
The independent living movement was profound. It made a profound difference. One of the differences I think was it was totally
a movement by people with disabilities for people with disabilities, and there was an elimination of the non-disabled service
provider in that relationship. And I think that was of profound significance.
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It was also the beginning of a phase in the movement, which I think every movement goes through, which is the movement is
a liberation movement; the movement is for inclusion, and then the movement withdraws into itself and doesn't let anybody
in. There's I think a normal historical pattern for all liberation struggles that you can chart. You'll see at some point.
At this point, which is relatively a mild one, there was, I think, a conscious effort on the part of disabled activists to
eliminate the non-disabled. "If we're going to do this, we're going to do this on our own" kind of thing. I remember at the
time--and the independent living movement was I think the institutional manifestation. At the time, it sort of dawned on me
that I was a little bit hurt. Those of us that had sort of put our time in and everything were sort of like being told, "Look,
we can do it ourselves" kind of thing. In a way, it prepared me for parenthood.
The politics became a little grim because of this. There was, like, a kind of anger and hostility toward nondisabled people
in the area. I think it ultimately led me to say, "Look, I put twenty-five years in, and I think it's time for me to exit."
Because intellectually I understood that there is this historical evolution, and it's a phase. It passes. Ultimately people
realize: hey, we need solutions; it doesn't matter where they come from kind of thing, as long as it adheres to the principles
that we set down.
But the independent living movement put flesh on the bone and not only provided substitute, substantial services--I mean,
services that were directly relevant--not that voc rehab is not, but housing, job training, employment--you know, direct help
with medical benefits and stuff like that--all of the things that the independent living centers had done for people and had
gotten into, housing being a very significant one.
This was stuff the other service agencies should have been doing and were not doing because they were captive of the government
grants program. They were doing what the government allowed them to do instead of what was needed. This was the rise of independent
living. California led the way. It was a major victory and a giant step forward in seeing political leaders, anyway, look
at this thing as this is a civil rights issue, it's a human rights issue, and getting out from under that past, like, just
cutting people down.
I was never really that involved with the independent living movement. I think from time to time there was--well, always with
the office, because with the restrictions we had on us, there was a kind of--what grew was kind of suspicion of "What are
you doing? You're not doing anything." You hear that today. "What is the office doing? It really doesn't do anything."
Jacobson
When I read your resume, and I read everything you were involved in--getting polling places accessible, transportation access,
employment and government accessibility---I was amazed at how much MOPD had accomplished.
Allison
We did a lot that never--and I always say "we" because it was always a team effort. It's very rare to have just one person.
Jacobson
Who was the team?
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Allison
Who else was there? We had a lot of turnover. We had almost like 100 percent turnover every year, so it changed.
Jacobson
Was it headed by Eunice?
Allison
It was Eunice, then Julie; it was Tony Santiago, and then there was--after Tony--oh, God, what's her name?
Jacobson
Carol.
Allison
Carol Ann Roberson. And after Carol Ann, Ann Emmerman.
Jacobson
Who decided what issues to tackle?
Allison
It was kind of like a consensus agreement. There was really nothing formal. Issues would be brought forward, laid on our doorstep,
and we always felt a tremendous obligation to respond.
Jacobson
Who would lay them at your doorstep?
Allison
Disability groups, individuals. It would come through the advocacy workers trying to help people. Sometimes it would come
through government. There was always tremendous--EPVA, for example, Eastern Paralyzed Veterans Association, was always tremendously
involved in transportation.
Jacobson
What about DIA?
Allison
DIA would bring accessibility issues, housing--each group served a specialty, although most of them did more than that specialty.
When I think of EPVA, I think of transportation; when I think of DIA, I think of accessibility; and other groups, I think
of employment. So you had these issues thrust upon you, and the trick was you tried to deal with them. I think by and large,
over the long run, we were successful. We laid groundwork if nothing else. But we had our failures, too. I mean, we had limited
resources. We had CETA people who were basically unemployed people who the government was paying to work.
Jacobson
CETA was?
Allison
Comprehensive Employment Training Act.
Jacobson
Okay.
Allison
Okay, which is no longer--it's defunct. A lot of our CETA people in the early eighties stayed on in city government and became
permanent provisionals, and retired with a pension. We didn't have people necessarily that knew anything about the area, and
you were pretty much--we dealt with who they gave us. And we had to pick from--we interviewed them, and then we were always
looking to hire as many people with disabilities as we could, so that was another element.
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But even that was--you always run the risk, whenever you--if you have an issue area and you want someone to handle the issue
area, and you start putting--don't get me wrong--you start putting--I'm not going to say extraneous, but you start putting
criteria on who you're going to hire that is not directly relevant to [hits table for emphasis as he says the following words]
can the person get that job done. That's the bottom line. You run a risk. There were people, disabled and non-disabled, we
would hire who we would have to let go because they couldn't do the job, and the bottom line was you got to solve--
I always thought this is an agency that should put itself out of business. The goal here is that it doesn't perpetuate itself,
ad infinitum, till the end of time. That there comes a point in time when there's no longer the need for this agency because
government is functioning and dealing with people with disabilities in the same way they deal with everybody else, and that
there is no longer any need--
And in point of fact, the agency now is down to about four people. It is run by a nurse, who I don't know very well.
Jacobson
Let me put a new tape in.